Policing and the politics of protection on Lombok, Indonesia

Telle, Kari

doi:10.4324/9781315813745-3

Cited by 4 publications

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“…Underlying this frustration is a deep mistrust of the ability or willingness on the part of the state and the ruling political elites to ensure justice and protection in the urban margins. Similar to vigilante groups described by other anthropologists (Buur ; Kirsch and Grätz ; Pratten and Sen ; Telle ), the community policing groups earned a reputation for direct, often violent, action against criminals and for enforcing immediate justice. In doing so, the groups not only constituted an alternative to the state police, as shown in much of the literature on plural policing but also became politically significant to neighborhood leaders, administrators, and politicians who enrolled the groups to advance their own political agendas.…”

mentioning

confidence: 76%

“…Complex relationships surrounding civilian policing groups, such as in Mozambique and Swaziland, have been studied in numerous other countries, for example South Africa (Buur ), Mexico (Müller ), Indonesia (Telle ), and Nigeria (Pratten ). Indeed, citizen‐led security is a growing field of study within contemporary anthropology (Albrecht and Kyed ; Buur and Jensen ; Jaffe ; Kirsch and Grätz ; Pratten and Sen ), as well as within a wider interdisciplinary literature on “plural policing” (Abrahamsen and Williams ; Baker ; Loader ).…”

Section: Plural Policing and Street Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Other studies show how civilian policing actors become politically instrumentalized by individual politicians, ruling parties, state police officers, and business elites to boost local power bases and alliances, sometimes through patronage and sometimes through official community policing programs (Di Nunzio ; Ruteere and Pommerolle ; Sen and Pratten ). Finally, some scholars show how vigilantes and civilian group members actively engage in politics and sometimes get elected into office (Albrecht and Kyed ), as occurs also in Indonesia (Telle , 51) and Nigeria (Pratten ). By inserting themselves into informal dispute resolution, the vigilantes obtain authority, returns, and connections, which they—in competition with chiefs, police, and local government officials—convert into local political positions.…”

Section: Plural Policing and Street Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Street Authorities: Community Policing in Mozambique and Swaziland

Kyed

2018

PoLAR

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This article explores the politics produced by civilian community policing groups in the urban margins of Mozambique and Swaziland. By taking over those streets that no one else could control, young unemployed men established themselves as alternative police forces and vectors of power in the neighborhoods. This made them politically significant to local leaders, politicians, and state police officers who both saw them as competitors and enrolled them in their own political agendas. By expanding upon the concept of “street politics,” I argue that the community policing groups developed into what I conceptualize as “street authorities.” Street authority involves a style of politics that relies on the capacity for swift, direct actions, often through violent means, to order the streets, but it is also characterized by momentariness that prevents the formation of stable organizations. Such politics emerge in urban contexts where poor urban citizens mistrust the state and where there is a preference for immediate outcomes because livelihood uncertainties are high, security is low, and it is difficult to express grievances through official political channels.

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mentioning

confidence: 76%

Section: Plural Policing and Street Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Plural Policing and Street Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Street Authorities: Community Policing in Mozambique and Swaziland

Kyed

2018

PoLAR

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“…The role of AMPHIBI becomes very significant in political competition at the local level where the organizational network can be effectively used as an instrument for mobilizing political support. Telle (2015) conducted further research with a focus on political patronage to two community-based vigilante groups namely AMPHIBHI and Tiga Bersatu. Telle (2015) provided a conclusion that affirms the findings of Tyson (2013).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Telle (2015) conducted further research with a focus on political patronage to two community-based vigilante groups namely AMPHIBHI and Tiga Bersatu. Telle (2015) provided a conclusion that affirms the findings of Tyson (2013). The leaders of AMPHIBI and Tiga Bersatu cooperated with politicians to secure their position in the district or regional government.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Informal Security Groups as Social Non-Movement in Indonesia: Case of Buru Jejak in Central Lombok

Permana¹

2016

Makara Hubs-Asia

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This essay discusses vigilante groups in relation to access for rights to security, particularly in Central Lombok District, West Nusa Tenggara Province. Vigilante groups are defined as 'informal security groups' to distinguish them from formal security entities owned by the state such as the police and military. I propose an alternative interpretation toward the existence of informal security groups that is different from mainstream explanation. Most of the literatures have a strong tendency to categorize informal security groups merely as antagonist actors and a predatory element in the process of democratization in Indonesia. By referencing Asef Bayat's notion of social non-movement, I argue that informal security group, in Lombok particularly, is one way ordinary people seek to improve their quality of life when security and access to justice are not available, resulting in a blurred line between legal and illegal activity. However, these groups are susceptible to be used by the local elites to achieve particular political interests. This research used qualitative methods, including interviews and archival research. Kelompok Keamanan Informal Sebagai Bentuk Social Non-Movement di Indonesia:Kasus Buru Jejak di Lombok Tengah AbstrakArtikel berikut ini membahas tentang kelompok kekerasan dalam kaitannya dengan akses terhadap hak atas keamanan di Kabupaten Lombok Tengah, Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Barat. Kelompok kekerasan dalam artikel ini didefinisikan sebagai 'kelompok keamanan informal' untuk membedakannya dengan entitas keamanan formal yang dimiliki oleh negara seperti polisi dan tentara. Saya menawarkan alternatif interpretasi yang berbeda dengan penjelasan yang sudah umum terhadap keberadaan kelompok kekerasan informal. Sebagian besar penelitian terdahulu cenderung menempatkan kelompok kekerasan informal hanya sebagai aktor antagonis atau elemen predatoris dalam proses demokratisasi. Dengan mengacu kepada konsep yang digagas oleh Asef Bayat tentang social non-movement, saya berargumen bahwa kelompok keamanan informal di Lombok merupakan cara orang-orang biasa untuk meningkatkan kualitas hidupnya ketika akses terhadap hak atas keamanan dan keadilan tidak tersedia, meskipun berada di antara batas aktivitas legal dan ilegal. Akan tetapi, kelompok-kelompok seperti itu rentan digunakan oleh elit lokal untuk memperoleh kepentingan politik tertentu. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan wawancara dan penelusuran arsip/dokumen.

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Toward the Political Economy of Plural Policing: Taking Stock of a Burgeoning Literature

Scarpello

2016

int stud rev

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Policing and the politics of protection on Lombok, Indonesia

Cited by 4 publications

References 0 publications

Street Authorities: Community Policing in Mozambique and Swaziland

Street Authorities: Community Policing in Mozambique and Swaziland

Informal Security Groups as Social Non-Movement in Indonesia: Case of Buru Jejak in Central Lombok

Toward the Political Economy of Plural Policing: Taking Stock of a Burgeoning Literature

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