Policing Anti-Government Protests
During the Coronavirus Crisis in Poland:
Between Escalated Force and Negotiated
Management

Rak, Joanna

doi:10.51936/tip.58.specialissue.598-615

Cited by 8 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 1 publication

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“…Police behavior is on the continuum determined by the following dimensions: (I) the extent to which the police respect and protect the rights of protesters; (II) the extent to which the police are tolerant of disruptions occurring during an ongoing protest; (III) the nature of communication between the police and demonstrators; (IV) the extent and manner of the use of arrests as a method of managing demonstrators; (V) the extent and manner of the use of force or in combination with arrests to control demonstrators (Rak, 2021). The extreme values of protest policing determine a continuum.…”

Section: Theoretical and Methodological Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The force gradually escalates until the goal is achieved -compliance with police orders; (2) force is used only when required to carry out duties such as protecting people, public order, and property. Clashes with protesters are avoided, and negotiation and cordoning off the demonstration area is essential (Rak, 2021).…”

Section: Theoretical and Methodological Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Escalated Force as a Model of Protest Policing: A Case Study of the Rotterdam 2021 Protests

Owczarek

2022

HAPScPBS

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Since the pandemic outbreak, the Netherlands has been repeatedly gripped by protests over successive restrictions. Protesters were often characterized by aggression and violence, so they had to be demobilized to restore order to the streets. In some cases, the police were forced to use coercive measures. Nonetheless, the November 2021 protest in Rotterdam caused considerable controversy. During the demonstration, gunshots were fired at demonstrators for the first time in a dozen years. This article aims to attribute the strategy of police action during the Rotterdam protests to one of the two models determined by McPhail, Schweingruber, and McCarthy and operationalized by Rak. The study draws on qualitative source analysis and the content analysis technique. The most opinion-forming Dutch news sites, both Dutch- and English-language, were used as sources. These sources were supported by international news sites and channels on the streaming service YouTube. Additionally, the Rotterdam police’s Twitter account and the official politie.nl website were analyzed. A theoretically grounded hypothesis was posited that: during the Rotterdam protests in November 2021, the police, due to the dynamic development of the rally, used a model closer to an escalated force. However, it did not occur in its pure form.

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Section: Theoretical and Methodological Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Theoretical and Methodological Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Escalated Force as a Model of Protest Policing: A Case Study of the Rotterdam 2021 Protests

Owczarek

2022

HAPScPBS

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“…Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) took power in 2015, it cannot be claimed that the relationship between the ruling elite and the police has changed significantly. However, the way the police are used for social protests has changed, especially during the pandemic (strike of entrepreneurs and during mass protests of the National Women's Strike - Rak, 2021a;Rak, 2021b;Szczepaniak, 2022). Thus, the police is treated in the public consciousness as an institution subordinate to the ruling party to a greater extent than in previous periods.…”

Section: Pp 4 '22mentioning

confidence: 99%

Police In-Between Apoliticality and Politicality

Bäcker

2023

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The paper aims to construct a theoretical tool that allows for possible precise location of relations between the police and the ruling elite in a given country. Their relationship is between the ideal types of apoliticality and politicality. The five stages of the relationship between the ruling elite and the bureaucracy on a continuum between the ideal type of the apolitical Weberian bureaucracy and its antinomic ideal type of politicised system of patronage can be arranged as follows: self-regulation, personal independence, uncertainty, loyalty, and enhanced loyalty. The empirical usefulness test of these stages scheme consisting in the case study of one state characterised by a large range of autocratic and democratic regimes evolution (thus post-war Poland) was positive. Relations between the police, or more precisely: the Citizens’ Militia, in the period of the Polish People’s Republic can be defined as being at the stage of enhanced, double loyalty. In the period of the Third Polish Republic, relations between the police and the ruling elites can be placed at the fourth stage – loyalty. The few attempts to change this type of relationship and move to the stage of self-regulation or personal independence remained at the level of ineffective and temporary attempts at best.

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“…Institutional repression, for example, at workplaces, was no more effective. Activists were also not deterred by the evolving model of protest control, i.e., from negotiated management to escalated force protest policing (Rak, 2021b). Those case studies of the impact of various types of repression on protest participation provide empirical evidence against the assumption that any repression encouraged protesters to refrain from protesting activity for women's rights.…”

Section: Literature Review and Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Impact of Morally Injurious Events on the Dynamics of Mobilization for Women’s Rights in Poland

Rak

2022

Self Cite

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Why did the registration of the Gals for Gals name as a trademark and the publication of the Constitutional Tribunal’s ruling stop the largest protest movements for women’s rights in democratic Poland despite unaccomplished goals? What was the source of the 2018 and 2021 demobilization acts and subsequent waves of non-mobilization? Drawing on the theory of moral injury and narrative research methodology, this article aims to account for the determinants of the Gals for Gals’ and the All-Poland Women’s Strike’s demobilization and the lack of mobilization. The main argument is that during the fight for women’s rights, a part of Polish society involved in civic activity experienced two severe traumas. Each of the two waves of mobilization ended in a moral injury development. In both cases, a moral injury involved the loss of trust in self and others. Moreover, in both cases, the moral injuries were so severe that they turned out long-lasting. At the stage of the cognitive dissonance, there were no attempts to resolve it. In other words, activists did nothing to prevent cognitive dissonance from turning into a moral injury. In the first case, it may indicate the organizational and emotional immaturity of activists. In turn, the second case may indicate the weakening of civil society, building Poland’s political culture of withdrawal and submission.

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Policing Anti-Government Protests During the Coronavirus Crisis in Poland: Between Escalated Force and Negotiated Management

Cited by 8 publications

References 1 publication

Escalated Force as a Model of Protest Policing: A Case Study of the Rotterdam 2021 Protests

Escalated Force as a Model of Protest Policing: A Case Study of the Rotterdam 2021 Protests

Police In-Between Apoliticality and Politicality

The Impact of Morally Injurious Events on the Dynamics of Mobilization for Women’s Rights in Poland

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