Policing hate against Gypsies and Travellers:

James, Zoe

doi:10.2307/j.ctt16d69xh.23

Cited by 20 publications

(26 citation statements)

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“…While for some groups such itinerancy is a way of life, others may travel because they function as what Canter called "criminal commuters" (Canter and Larkin, 1993). Yet, linking itinerancy with criminality is controversial as well, because people with higher mobility tend already to suffer from the preconception that they are criminals (James, 2007). Both features -mobility and nationality -are encountered in law enforcement perception, but also in empirical data (Van Daele, 2008;Van Daele et al, 2008).…”

Section: Itinerant Crime Groups Definedmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Exploring Itinerant Crime Groups

Daele

Beken

2010

Eur J Crim Policy Res

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Abstract:Starting a decade ago, property crimes by Eastern European crime gangs have gained attention of Belgian law enforcement agencies. Due to the mobile nature of these groups, the term "itinerant crime groups" has been used. The aim of this article is to explore what is incorporated in this term. By analyzing 27 case files, a large degree of variation is revealed.Groups differ in size, organizational structure, offender characteristics, the crimes in which they are involved and the methods they use. Following these features, two main types of itinerant crime groups can be distinguished, each with their own diversity. As such, the observed heterogeneity is larger than we might suspect by looking at the policy definition of the phenomenon.

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Section: Itinerant Crime Groups Definedmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Is it a part of their lifestyle, are they travellers? In that case, one should avoid to generalize, as these people have to deal with presumptions as being criminal already (James, 2007). Or are they just mobile in their criminal behaviour, travelling further when committing crimes but not travelling as a way of life at all?…”

Section: Mobilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Exploring Itinerant Crime Groups

Daele

Beken

2010

Eur J Crim Policy Res

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“…th Century such responses to Gypsies and Travellers were enshrined in law and government policies that aimed to curb their nomadic lifestyle and largely enforce their settlement, for example, the closure of the commons in the 1968 Caravan Sites and Control of Development Act and the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 (James, 2007). The latter made it an offence for anyone to stop on any land that they did not own, or did not have planning permission to reside on and was followed by the Anti-social Behaviour Act 2003 which gave the police and local authorities powers to rapidly evict Gypsies and Travellers from land (James 2006).…”

Section: In the 20mentioning

confidence: 99%

Gypsies/Travellers and health: risk categorisation versus being ‘at risk’

Ruston

Smith

2013

Health, Risk & Society

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Risk categorisation provides a routine and necessary contribution to the way people make sense of and impute predictability in a complex human world of which their knowledge is limited. It is a precursor to the development of risk management strategies. Risk categorisation schemes can vary depending on the underlying perspective and knowledge used in their construction. There are estimated to be between 120,000 and 300,000 Gypsies and Travellers in the UK. They have been categorised on the one hand as a group that is 'at risk' suffering wide ranging inequalities and on the other they can be seen as the archetypical 'other' posing risks to normative stability. Public policies to manage their health risks have been limited in contrast to policies to address their 'otherness' status which have aimed to exclude, relocate and forcibly remove them from public space. Little is understood about the way in which Gypsies and Travellers categorise and manage the risks to their health within the context of adverse public policies. In-depth qualitative interviews were undertaken during 2010 and 2011 with 39 Gypsies and Travellers aged between 18 and 66 comprising 20 females and 19 males living in an area of South-East England. Respondents framed risk in terms of threats to their health, culture and traditional way of life and issues of trust were central to this. They sought to devise risk management strategies that would maintain boundaries between their community and outsiders who were perceived to be the source of risks to their health. A consequence of their risk management strategies was the potential perpetuation of threats to their health and wellbeing.

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“…Although framed to 'deal with' so-called 'New Age' Travellers and the free festival culture, the Act identified all nomadic populations as 'folk devils' at odds with the Conservative values of the day, as well as transgressing the 'spatial order' of the English 'ruryl idyll' countryside (Clark, 1997;Halfacree, 2006). Clear lines were drawn to enforce 'trespass' in the countryside as a criminal, not civil, offence and crucially that the duty on local authorities to provide Gypsy sites in their areas was removed (James, 2007). In its place was the stated aim of requiring Gypsies and Travellers to take responsibility for buying and developing their own land, with the then Conservative government asserting that the planning system was 'perfectly capable' of facilitating adequate site provision (Home, 2006).…”

Section: And the End Of The Road?mentioning

confidence: 99%