2019
DOI: 10.1080/15614263.2019.1598077
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Policing indigenous movements: dissent and the security state

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Cited by 8 publications
(15 citation statements)
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“…Investigative journalism revealed knotty mergers of public and private interests, such as through the “fusion centres” like the DHS Critical Infrastructure Partnership Advisory Council (CIPAC). Such information sharing networks facilitate relationships among pipeline firms, local and state law enforcement, and federal agencies like the FBI—networks which have also been used against First Nations pipeline opponents in Canada (Crosby and Monaghan 2018). Freedom of Information Act requests revealed the FBI infiltrated and surveilled direct action trainings for pipeline blockades, in the name of critical infrastructure security (Federman 2013).…”
Section: Countersovereign Anxiety Against the Oceti Sakowin: Historic...mentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Investigative journalism revealed knotty mergers of public and private interests, such as through the “fusion centres” like the DHS Critical Infrastructure Partnership Advisory Council (CIPAC). Such information sharing networks facilitate relationships among pipeline firms, local and state law enforcement, and federal agencies like the FBI—networks which have also been used against First Nations pipeline opponents in Canada (Crosby and Monaghan 2018). Freedom of Information Act requests revealed the FBI infiltrated and surveilled direct action trainings for pipeline blockades, in the name of critical infrastructure security (Federman 2013).…”
Section: Countersovereign Anxiety Against the Oceti Sakowin: Historic...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Legislation attempts to heighten penalties for those who “interfere with economic activities” (Georgia SB 1, 2017), and criminalises anti‐pipeline protests as “riots” and “economic terrorism” (North Carolina HB 249, 2017; Washington SB 5009, 2018). These bills reveal the way that extractive industries and settler governments are evolving their responses to land disputes with Indigenous communities (Crosby and Monaghan 2018), casting racialised efforts to prevent Indigenous resistance as purportedly non‐racial security measures to protect the operation of the national economy.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Such actions attempt to criminalize Indigenous resistance (Pasternak, 2017). Considering the high saliency of injunctions and police arrests by the media, additional research can connect how these practices, alongside media attention, shape the state's engagement with Indigenous resistance (see Crosby and Monaghan, 2018).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Scholars in Indigenous, Black, Latinx, feminist, and settler colonial studies have long chronicled the ways in which surveillance, mapping, media, and computational technologies are implicated in the capture, distortion, and criminalization of liberation movements (Browne, 2015;Fanon, 1994;González, 2019;Hall, 1981;Crosby and Monaghan, 2018). These practices take many forms, including through the regulation of Black liberation movements' in Attica, Ferguson, Minneapolis, and Denver, among other global sites of resistance, to surveillance regimes deployed onto Indigenous lands rendering water and land protectors as criminals at the No-DAPL and Line 3 resistance camps, to the deputizing of white property bearing citizens to regulate Black, Latinx, and Asian neighborhoods through state sanctioned surveillance apps (Camp, 2016;Estes, 2019;Jefferson, 2017).…”
Section: The Colonial Entanglement Of Visual-digital Geographic Knowl...mentioning
confidence: 99%