The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements 2007
DOI: 10.1002/9780470999103.ch10
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Policing Social Protest

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Cited by 59 publications
(27 citation statements)
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“…While emotions, motivation, grievances, and identity are important factors that lead individuals to join protests, such factors are tested when protesters come into contact with aggressive policing. Given that most high‐risk protests involve action against the state, the police are often called upon to suppress protests (della Porta and Fillieule :217). In the 1960s and 1970s, protest policing was based on the philosophy of “escalated force” in which increasing violence on the part of protesters was met with increasing force from police.…”
Section: Emotions Motivation Identity and Protest Policingmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…While emotions, motivation, grievances, and identity are important factors that lead individuals to join protests, such factors are tested when protesters come into contact with aggressive policing. Given that most high‐risk protests involve action against the state, the police are often called upon to suppress protests (della Porta and Fillieule :217). In the 1960s and 1970s, protest policing was based on the philosophy of “escalated force” in which increasing violence on the part of protesters was met with increasing force from police.…”
Section: Emotions Motivation Identity and Protest Policingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The brutality of 1960s policing led to an alternative approach, “negotiated management,” in the mid‐1970s through 1990s. This permit‐ and negotiation‐based approach is focused on the underlying philosophy toward protection of free speech, tolerance for some disruption, deescalation, and the avoidance of police force unless necessary (della Porta and Fillieule ; Earl ). The protesters and police negotiated the use of protest permits that defined the nature and particulars of the protest in order to decrease disruptiveness from protesters and limit (the need for) police violence (King ).…”
Section: Emotions Motivation Identity and Protest Policingmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Incluso cuando se rompía la ley como forma de desobediencia civil se usaba la mínima fuerza. Se entendía que la comunicación entre manifestantes y policía era básica para una conducta pacífica y evitar los medios coercitivos, las detenciones se llevaban a cabo como último recurso y la fuerza se intentaba evitar haciendo uso de cordones policiales o mediante los mismos procesos de negociación (della Porta y Diani, 2011; della Porta y Fillieule, 2007;McPhail, Schweingruber y McCarthy, 1998). De todas formas, hay que añadir que la aplicación de la estrategia negociadora ha sido siempre selectiva y que en los cuerpos policiales ha existido una clara distinción entre unos manifestantes "buenos" (tradicionalmente calificados como pacíficos, pragmáticos, interesados en la reivindicación y con una meta clara) y otros manifestantes malos (predominante calificados como jóvenes, desinformados, destructivos y agitadores) (della Porta y Diani, 2011;della Porta y Fillieule, 2007;Soule y Davenport, 2009).…”
Section: Represión: Efectos Simbólicos Y Oportunidades Represivasunclassified
“…The first approach, connected with the set of political opportunity structure (POS) Kitschelt, 1986;Tarrow, 1994Tarrow, , 2013Kriesi, 2004) and resource mobilization (RM) theories Tilly, 1978), implies that social actors decide to mobilize on the basis of rational calculation, weighing potential benefits and losses of unconventional models of participation. Favoring structural conditions, such as the opening up of the relatively closed political system ; the openness/weaknesses of the political system (Kitschelt, 1986); perceived liberalization of the regime (Tarrow, 2013); anticipation of the support from other disadvantaged social actors (Tilly, 1978); and low repressive capacity of the system (Della Porta and Fillieule, 2004) also determine the probability of protest mobilization, providing a rationale for involvement in the collective action. The second approach to the protest mobilization studies discussed in this paper is a 'socio-cultural' approach (Habermas, 1984(Habermas, , 1996(Habermas, , 1999Castells, 2012;Honneth, 1995;Fraser, 2005;Offe, 1985;Touraine, , 1983.…”
Section: Lavrinenko O: Protests Against Fraudulent Elections In Belmentioning
confidence: 99%