Política de influencia y tendencia fake en Twitter. Efectos postelectorales (21D) en el marco del Procés en Cataluña

Curiel, Concha Pérez; García-Gordillo, Mar

doi:10.3145/epi.2018.sep.07

Cited by 24 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…Aunque el uso político de Twitter ha sido analizado especialmente en el contexto estadounidense, en los últimos años en España se ha desarrollado un número considerable de trabajos que abordan este tema desde múltiples perspectivas (Fernández Gómez, Hernández-Santaolalla & Sanz Marcos, 2018), incluyendo el contexto catalán (Pérez-Curiel & García-Gordillo, 2018). Así, se ha abordado la figura del candidato (Criado, Martínez-Fuentes & Silván, 2013), de los fans políticos (Hernández-Santaolalla & Rubio-Hernández, 2017), o de fenómenos como la interacción (Ramos, Fernández Gómez & Pineda, 2018;Zugasti Azagra & Pérez González, 2015) o la viralidad (Congosto, 2015).…”

Section: Discursos Intimidatorios Y Mensajes De Odio En Redes Socialesunclassified

Postverdad y discurso intimidatorio en Twitter durante el referéndum catalán del 1-O

Hernández‐Santaolalla

Solá-Morales

2019

(OBS*)

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ResumenLa idea de "postverdad" se ha hecho común en el lenguaje mediático, si bien utilizada en ocasiones como sinónimo de mentira y en otras como una tendencia a usar con mayor profusión la argumentación emocional que la racional en la construcción de los mensajes. Al mismo tiempo, existe un creciente uso del discurso intimidatorio en Internet y redes sociales, como una forma -intencionada o no-de acabar con cualquier tipo de debate y, sobre todo, como una forma de comunicación que apuesta por la emocionalidad y renuncia a la racionalidad o la argumentación. Esta propensión se une, al mismo tiempo, a un creciente uso del odio y la intimidación en internet y redes sociales como una forma intencionada o no de acabar con cualquier tipo de debate. En esta línea, el presente artículo analiza los conceptos de postverdad y discurso intimidatorio en el contexto del "proceso catalán" y, en concreto, en el entorno de la votación del 1 de octubre de 2017. Para ello se siguió una metodología cuantitativa, aplicando un análisis de contenido a un total de 573 tuits emitidos entre el 30 de septiembre y el 2 de octubre de 2017. De estos, 150 fueron publicados por trece líderes y portavoces políticos de partidos que contaban con representación en el Congreso de los Diputados y en el Parlament de Catalunya, y el resto eran respuestas de otros usuarios a dichos mensajes. Los resultados corroboran, en consonancia con la idea de postverdad, la tendencia de los políticos a seguir estrategias retóricas basadas en la emoción y los sentimientos. En cuanto a las respuestas de los usuarios, se confirma la tendencia al ataque más que al debate, aunque no se puede confirmar una generalización en el uso de la ofensa y la agresión.Palabras clave: Comunicación política; Catalunya; emoción; cultura del odio; redes sociales. AbstractThe idea of "post-truth" has become common in media discourse, although sometimes used as a synonym for lying and in others as a tendency to use more emotional argumentation than rational in the construction of the messages. This propensity is linked, at the same time, to a growing use of hate and intimidation on the Internet and social networks sites as an intentional or unintentional mechanism to end any type of debate. At the same time, there is a growing tendency of using intimidation in the Internet and social networks sites as an intentional or unintentional mechanism to end any type of debate. Moreover, this is a form of communication that bets on emotionality and renounces rationality or argumentation. In this line, this article analyzes the concepts of post-truth and intimidatory discourse in the context of the "Catalan process" and, specifically, in the context of voting of October 1st, 2017. For this, a quantitative methodology has been used, applying an analysis of content to a total of 573 tweets issued between September 30th and October 2nd, 2017. Of these, 150 were published by 13 leaders and political parties spokespersons of parties that had representation in the Congress of Deputies and in the Parla...

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Section: Discursos Intimidatorios Y Mensajes De Odio En Redes Socialesunclassified

Postverdad y discurso intimidatorio en Twitter durante el referéndum catalán del 1-O

Hernández‐Santaolalla

Solá-Morales

2019

(OBS*)

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“…Research into interactivity has not be conclusive on the cognitive effects of physical and click-based interactivity ( Yang and Shen, 2018 ), though apparently it can create significant changes in cognitive and emotional processing, as well as in attitudes and behaviours related to the information processed ( Oh and Sundar, 2020 ). Social media per se and their interactive features do not always support real dialogue and communication, especially when they are used with political purposes ( Pérez Curiel and García-Gordillo, 2018 ), and even if likes or shares are often taken as indicators not only of interactivity and engagement but even of bi-directional and participative communication ( Sáez-Martín and Caba-Pérez, 2018 ). It is important to remember that, in the context of the Covid-19 crisis, the need to consume information might have been much higher than usual, and even simple one-click actions might have allowed some kind of engagement and participation in information exchanges.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding fake news during the Covid-19 health crisis from the perspective of information behaviour: The case of Spain

Montesi

2020

Journal of Librarianship and Information Science

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The health crisis brought about by Covid-19 has generated a heightened need for information as a response to a situation of uncertainty and high emotional load, in which fake news and other informative content have grown dramatically. The aim of this work is to delve into the understanding of fake news from the perspective of information behaviour by analysing a sample of fake news items that were spread in Spain during the Covid-19 health crisis. A sample of 242 fake news items was collected from the Maldita.es website and analysed according to the criteria of cognitive and affective authority, interactivity, themes and potential danger. The results point to a practical absence of indicators of cognitive authority (53.7%), while the affective authority of these news items is built through mechanisms of discrediting people, ideas or movements (40.7%) and, secondarily, the use of offensive or coarse language (17.7%) and comparison or reference to additional information sources (26.6%). Interactivity features allow commenting in 24.3% of the cases. The dominant theme is society (43.1%), followed by politics (26.4%) and science (23.6%). Finally, fake news, for the most part, does not seem to pose any danger to the health or safety of people – the harm it causes is intangible and moral. The author concludes by highlighting the importance of a culture of civic values to combat fake news.

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“…For that reason, Dubois and Gaffney (2014) argue that political leaders, the media and journalists are the most influential profiles in political conversations on Twitter. In this sense, Pérez-Curiel and García-Gordillo (2018) conclude that the Twitter profiles of the candidates are more influential than the Twitter profiles of the political parties themselves.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 91%

Politicians or influencers? Twitter profiles of Pablo Iglesias and Albert Rivera in the Spanish general elections of 20-D and 26-J

Gomila

Sorribes

Pedraza-Jiménez

2020

Communication & Society

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The Spanish general elections of 20 December 2015 and 26 June 2016, which can be understood as an electoral continuum, were notable for being the first case of a repeated election in Spain’s history, the consequence of the difficulty in forming a government due to the emergence of two new political forces, Podemos and Ciudadanos, led by Pablo Iglesias and Albert Rivera, respectively. We analysed the Twitter communications of these political leaders in both election campaigns using quantitative and qualitative research techniques, we also compare the overall results with the results of the Top Discussion Indicator (TDI). The main objectives of the study were: a) to determine the degree of influence and the ability to create community of both political leaders; b) to identify strategic communication differences between the two leaders and changes between the two campaigns; and c) to investigate the interconnections between their Twitter profiles and media profiles (mainly Spanish newspapers and TV channels). Our findings indicate that issues linked to their own campaigns were the most discussed by these politicians. It is noted that political leaders have little capacity to influence beyond their own community on Twitter, in this sense, hybridization with traditional media and, in particular, with television helps to penetrate beyond the digital sphere. In addition, it was found that Pablo Iglesias and Albert Rivera interacted most with Atresmedia and Prisa group media.

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Política de influencia y tendencia fake en Twitter. Efectos postelectorales (21D) en el marco del Procés en Cataluña

Abstract: (US) y miembro del grupo de investigación Estudio de Medios para un Periodismo de Calidad (SEJ-001). Centra su línea investigadora en periodismo político, fuentes, análisis de contenido y estudios sobre moda. Imparte docencia y coordina prácticas en empresas del Master en

Cited by 24 publications

References 15 publications

Postverdad y discurso intimidatorio en Twitter durante el referéndum catalán del 1-O

Postverdad y discurso intimidatorio en Twitter durante el referéndum catalán del 1-O

Understanding fake news during the Covid-19 health crisis from the perspective of information behaviour: The case of Spain

Politicians or influencers? Twitter profiles of Pablo Iglesias and Albert Rivera in the Spanish general elections of 20-D and 26-J

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