Political and Legal Considerations Regarding the Negotiation of the Future UK-EU Security Relationship

Carrapiço, Helena Farrand; Niehuss, Antonia; Berthélémy, Chloé

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-04194-6_5

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…Clearly Brexit will deprive the UK of leverage over CSDP in both decision-making and leadership (House of Lords, 2018;House of Commons, 2019b). A Clingendael report reached similar conclusions while affirming that the UK contribution to CSDP had been marginal, much less than in justice and home affairs where the Brexit impact could be direct and substantial (Bakker, et al, 2017;Carrapico, et al, 2019). However, the same report highlighted the significant loss of UK expertise in the Brussels security and defence institutions, citing the EUMC, EUMS and EDA.…”

Section: Brexitenabler or Spoiler?mentioning

confidence: 89%

“…The Gordian knot is that for both sides shared interests cry out for a close relationship, especially in civilian-military efforts under CSDP, border security, anti-piracy operations, combatting human trafficking, military and police training and Security Sector Reform. Many concerns shade into internal security and policing under the EU Area of Freedom, Justice and Security (AFJS), such as data sharing under the Schengen Information System, passenger name records, DNA data and the European Arrest Warrant, all critical interests developed since the Amsterdam Treaty (Carrapico, et al, 2019).…”

Section: Brexitenabler or Spoiler?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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EU security and defence cooperation in times of dissent: analysing PESCO, the European Defence Fund and the European Intervention Initiative (EI2) in the shadow of Brexit

Sweeney

Winn

2020

Defence Studies

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Has the United Kingdom Brexit referendum been a catalyst for more European Union security cooperation? How significant are post-referendum initiatives in security and defence? What are the implications of Brexit for EU and UK security and defence? This article analyses EU post-Brexit strategic choices following the launch of the EU Global Strategy (2016). EU autonomy in security and defence requires close cooperation with third countries, including Norway and post-Brexit UK. It remains to be seen whether the EU and the UK can forge a new bespoke security and defence relationship that delivers mutual benefits through shared strategic ambitions, while also protecting their various interests. We suggest there will be serious collateral damage to UK-EU security and defence cooperation if post-Brexit trade negotiations descend into acrimony and mistrust, especially in the event of 'no-deal' once the 'transition period' ends. This would undermine European security and the EU's quest for strategic autonomy in world affairs and have serious implications for both UK and EU security. We conclude that the EU needs to work with the UK on a plan to achieve global strategic autonomy, or both risk reduced influence in the wider world in the years ahead.

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Section: Brexitenabler or Spoiler?mentioning

confidence: 89%

Section: Brexitenabler or Spoiler?mentioning

confidence: 99%

EU security and defence cooperation in times of dissent: analysing PESCO, the European Defence Fund and the European Intervention Initiative (EI2) in the shadow of Brexit

Sweeney

Winn

2020

Defence Studies

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“…El brexit circunscribe y acota el proceso que hemos descrito, el de un Estado soberano, el Reino Unido de la Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte, que opta por abandonar la UE, partiendo de un derecho legítimo que todo Estado soberano posee al formar parte de una organización internacional. La tramitación de este complejo trámite jurídico conlleva inevitablemente turbulencias sociales, económicas y políticas (Carrapico, Niehuss y Berthélémy, 2019), una inestabilidad que la UE quiere evitar a toda costa y que por mandato imperativo cuenta con la necesidad de llegar a un acuerdo de retirada con el Estado miembro, en un plazo de dos años.…”

Section: El Acuerdo De Retirada O Tratado Brexit 18unclassified

El Tratado Brexit

Bustamante¹,

Bonillo

2019

ceflegal

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Este trabajo analiza el acuerdo de retirada del Reino Unido de la Unión Europea, constituido como uno de los documentos jurídicos más importantes que la Unión Europea ha elaborado desde el Tratado de Lisboa. Contempla en sus 185 artículos las áreas más relevantes que deberán regirse durante el marco temporal de transición: los derechos de los ciudadanos, la necesaria salvaguardia de la seguridad jurídica, las disposiciones financieras y la situación especial de Irlanda del Norte, Chipre y Gibraltar en distintos protocolos. El tratado se activará una vez ratificado, momento en el que el Reino Unido dejará de ser Estado miembro de pleno derecho de la Unión, el 29 de marzo de 2019. Este acuerdo de retirada tiene un marco temporal que se extendería hasta el 31 de diciembre de 2020 y luego, si el comité conjunto lo decide, con una posible prórroga hasta el 31 de diciembre de 2022. A lo largo de este periodo se procederá a la negociación del acuerdo definitivo entre el Reino Unido y la Unión Europea redactado bajo las grandes líneas esbozadas por la declaración política y aprobada el 25 de noviembre de 2018 por el Consejo Europeo, acuerdo que posibilitará la realización de un tratado de libre comercio entre el Reino Unido y la Unión Europea.

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Ensuring a Level Playing Field Post-Brexit: State Aid Control

Verouden

Colomo

2019

SSRN Journal

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Political and Legal Considerations Regarding the Negotiation of the Future UK-EU Security Relationship

Cited by 3 publications

References 2 publications

EU security and defence cooperation in times of dissent: analysing PESCO, the European Defence Fund and the European Intervention Initiative (EI2) in the shadow of Brexit

EU security and defence cooperation in times of dissent: analysing PESCO, the European Defence Fund and the European Intervention Initiative (EI2) in the shadow of Brexit

El Tratado Brexit

Ensuring a Level Playing Field Post-Brexit: State Aid Control

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