2018
DOI: 10.1111/ecpo.12122
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Political budget cycles, incumbency advantage, and propaganda

Abstract: This paper combines incumbency advantage and political budget cycle theory. An opportunistic politician is given two instruments: deficit‐financed transfers and propaganda. Unlike earlier analytical models, but in accordance with the empirical literature, government manipulations do actually improve re‐election chances. However, the optimal level of government manipulation depends on country characteristics, in particular the competence dispersion among potential candidates. This may explain why it is easier t… Show more

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Cited by 24 publications
(18 citation statements)
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“…10 This is a different approach to the ones taken in Bohn (2018) and Bohn (2019). In the former, voters are unsophisticated and cannot rationally expect the government manipulation.…”
Section: Deviations From Rational Expectations (Re)mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…10 This is a different approach to the ones taken in Bohn (2018) and Bohn (2019). In the former, voters are unsophisticated and cannot rationally expect the government manipulation.…”
Section: Deviations From Rational Expectations (Re)mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Aidt (p. 359) [14], concludes that “voters may not be fully informed but they know enough to make rational and informed decisions”, whereas Aidt and Dutta (p. 354) [15] contend that “other groups (the poor and uneducated) … are … unlikely to cast rational … votes”. In Bohn [16], voters can be mislead by the government because it can use its incumbency advantage to manipulate voters’ perceptions of the deficit. In Maloney and Pickering [17], sophisticated voters can distinguish (long-term) trend growth from short-term economic cycles, whereas unsophisticated voters only respond to raw GDP data.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In addition, Higashijima (2016) found a non-linear result, and was higher in authoritarian governments. Bohn (2018) convincingly attributed PBC cases to in-transparencies. De Haan (2012) and Klomp and De Haan (2012b) found an increase in the fiscal deficit and rising cases of PBC in young democracies, but less in old democracies and none in matured democracies.…”
Section: Empirical Studiesmentioning
confidence: 96%
“…Brender et al (2005) discovered a link between democracy and fiscal discipline, while the years of democracy were a decreasing function of the PBC. Higashijima (2016) and Bohn (2018) found high cases of PBC in new and young democracies. In addition, Higashijima (2016) found a non-linear result, and was higher in authoritarian governments.…”
Section: Empirical Studiesmentioning
confidence: 97%