2016
DOI: 10.1093/pa/gsw034
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Political Parties and MPs’ Morality Policy Voting Behaviour: Evidence from Germany

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Cited by 11 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…To give a methodological example, voting behavior in roll-call votes that are freed from the obligation to vote in accordance with party policy may reveal salient identities when looking at the shared characteristics (such as other organizational bonds, direct or list mandates as local identities, committee membership as a sectoral identity or demographic characteristics like gender, age, etc., to name but a few examples) (Engler and Dümig 2017). With regard to actors' behavior, this strategy enables us to identify shared identities and to assess which identity was decisive for a specific vote or preference due to the underlying coordinated action.…”
Section: Integrating Sipp: Past and Future Researchmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…To give a methodological example, voting behavior in roll-call votes that are freed from the obligation to vote in accordance with party policy may reveal salient identities when looking at the shared characteristics (such as other organizational bonds, direct or list mandates as local identities, committee membership as a sectoral identity or demographic characteristics like gender, age, etc., to name but a few examples) (Engler and Dümig 2017). With regard to actors' behavior, this strategy enables us to identify shared identities and to assess which identity was decisive for a specific vote or preference due to the underlying coordinated action.…”
Section: Integrating Sipp: Past and Future Researchmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For unwhipped votes , existing studies mainly investigate the impact of personal and constituency preferences on the direction of MPs' voting decisions. Those preferences have either been measured directly using survey data (for personal preferences, see Raymond 2017a, 2017b; Raymond and Overby 2016; Raymond and Worth 2017; for constituency preferences, see Hanretty et al 2017) or approximated using sociodemographic characteristics of the MP (Arzheimer 2015; Baumann et al 2013, 2015; Bauer‐Blaschkowski and Mai 2019; Engler and Dümig 2017; Hibbing and Marsh 1987; Overby et al 1998; Plumb 2015; Preidel 2016; Wenzelburger and Fehrenz 2018) and/or the sociodemographic composition of an MP's constituency as proxies (Baumann et al 2013; Haider‐Markel 1999; Hibbing and Marsh 1987; Kauder and Potrafke 2019; Mai et al 2022; Overby et al 2011). In addition, the MPs' party affiliation has proved to be a significant predictor of voting in favor of permissive or restrictive morality policies, respectively (Engler and Dümig 2017; Cowley and Stuart 1997, 2010; Hibbing and Marsh 1987; Overby et al 1998; Plumb 2015; Raymond 2017a, 2017b; Raymond and Overby 2016; Raymond and Worth 2017).…”
Section: Party Loyalty and Legislative Behaviormentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This figure is all the more impressive as the sample includes cases like the law on the transfer of government and parliament from Bonn to Berlin, in which geography mostly determined MPs’ voting behavior (Ohmura, 2014: 11) and where we would have difficulty in hypothesizing party positions to begin with. Similarly, Engler and Dümig (2017), analyzing eight free votes between 1990 and 2015 that dealt with issues of morality via a series of regression analyses, found that “party affiliation proves to be the most important predictor of voting behaviour, even if personal characteristics and constituents’ preferences are taken into account” (Engler and Dümig, 2017: 564). Other studies, looking at behavior in free votes for individual pieces of legislation and controlling, among other things, for preferences of the MPs’ constituencies, corroborate these results (Arzheimer, 2015; Bauer-Blaschkowski and Mai, 2019: 238–251; Baumann et al, 2013, 2015).…”
Section: Empirical Illustrations Of the Agency-based Approachmentioning
confidence: 99%