Politicization of ethnicity in party manifestos

Protsyk, Oleh; Garaz, Stela

doi:10.1177/1354068811398058

Cited by 20 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 26 publications

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“…To check the robustness of our findings, we have conducted the exact same analysis with the CMP data. It needs to be emphasised that the CMP data do not fully capture the policy positions of radical right parties (Protsyk and Garaz, 2011; see also Gemenis, 2013). Moreover, the CMP does not include marginal parties in its analyses.…”

Section: Robustness Checkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Pariahs or Partners? Inclusion and Exclusion of Radical Right Parties and the Effects on Their Policy Positions

Akkerman

Rooduijn

2014

Political Studies

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This article investigates the effects of inclusion and exclusion on the policy agendas of radical right parties. Radical right parties face diverging political opportunity structures in Western Europe. In some countries, the prospect of office has become a realistic option since the beginning of this century; in other countries radical right parties remain ostracised by mainstream parties. Research has focused mainly on the electoral effects of inclusion and exclusion strategies. Systematic analyses of the effects on policy agendas are scarce. This article focuses on the policy positions of radical right parties with respect to the key issues of immigration and integration. The finding is that ostracised parties have not changed much over time, but there is no evidence that cordons sanitaires have a freezing effect. Contrary to expectations, non-ostracised parties have not become more moderate over time. After the turn of the millennium, non-ostracised radical right parties have become just as radical as their ostracised cousins. 5 However, in order to test the robustness of our findings, we have also conducted our analysis with the CMP data. This leads to the same substantive results. See the results section. 6 The manifestos have been coded by two persons. After various try-outs, followed by intensive discussions and corrections of the index, two tests have been done of ten manifestos each. All immigration and integration pledges in these manifestos were coded by the two coders independently. With respect to the total scores, the tests resulted in, respectively, 92.3 and 88.6 per cent overlap -percentages which are generally accepted as providing sufficient reliability. With regard to the identification of immigration/ integration pledges, the tests resulted in, respectively, 85.5 and 86.9 per cent overlap. 7 We have conducted various robustness checks. First, we have estimated the same models with the absolute policy positions of radical right parties (i.e. not taking into account the position of the mainstream competitor). This leads to the same substantive results. Second, we have estimated the models while clustering the manifestos by countries. This did not change the results either. 8 It could be the case that small radical right parties score lower because they are less policy-oriented and consequently devote less attention to pledges. We have checked whether this is the case by dropping six manifestos that contained very few pledges. This did not change the results substantively.

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Section: Robustness Checkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Pariahs or Partners? Inclusion and Exclusion of Radical Right Parties and the Effects on Their Policy Positions

Akkerman

Rooduijn

2014

Political Studies

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“…We do not include left‐libertarian/right‐authoritarian issues in our analysis since it is unresolved whether such issues are adequately reflected by the categories and the left‐right scale of the Comparative Manifesto Project (Alonso & da Fonseca ; Protsyk & Garaz ).…”

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confidence: 99%

Representing the compromise: How institutions serve government support coalitions in European Union policy making

Franchino

Wratil

2019

European J Political Res

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This article presents an original model of policy making by multiparty coalitions at the international level. Specifically, it analyses how domestic institutions serve parties in enforcing policy compromises onto national ministers negotiating legislation in the European Union (EU). In contrast to existing research on coalition politics, the model accounts for the benefits of not only legislative but also executive institutions and incorporates opposition parties as pivotal actors under minority governments. Ministers propose policy positions at the EU level that represent domestic coalition compromises when cabinet participation, executive coordination and parliamentary oversight of EU affairs make it cheap for coalition partners to challenge the minister's position and when ideological divisiveness increases the incentive to do so. Statistical analyses of 1,694 policy positions taken by ministers from 22 member states in the Council of the EU provide strong empirical evidence for the model. The results support the claim of executive dominance in EU policy making but also highlight that, where institutions are strong, ministers represent domestic coalition compromises rather than their own positions.

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“…late 2011). Other efforts to broaden the study of ethnic and regionalist actors have been made by, for example, Protsyk and Garaz (2013) and Gajdanova (2015). 7 Data is provided also for three additional parties: Euskal Herritarrok, Partido Andalucista, and Vlaams Blok.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…late 2011). Other efforts to broaden the study of ethnic and regionalist actors have been made by, for example, Protsyk and Garaz () and Gajdanova ().…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Ethnic and Regionalist Parties in Western Europe: A Party Family?

Fagerholm

2016

Studies Ethnicity & National

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Parties that defend the interest of one or a few ethnic groups and/or regions are, despite their differences, recurrently grouped together into a single party family. This article systematically applies the multidimensional framework offered by Mair and Mudde in order to provide an up‐to‐date inventory of the universe of ethnic and regionalist parties in Western Europe and assess whether they form a family. The evidence indicates that although the ethnic and regionalist family appears to be somewhat less coherent than more established families, there are clear similarities between the proposed (core) member parties. More specifically, the common denominators that distinguish the members of the ethnic and regionalist party family are their rather similar origins, sociologies, and policy orientations.

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Politicization of ethnicity in party manifestos

Cited by 20 publications

References 26 publications

Pariahs or Partners? Inclusion and Exclusion of Radical Right Parties and the Effects on Their Policy Positions

Pariahs or Partners? Inclusion and Exclusion of Radical Right Parties and the Effects on Their Policy Positions

Representing the compromise: How institutions serve government support coalitions in European Union policy making

Ethnic and Regionalist Parties in Western Europe: A Party Family?

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