Politics, Economics and Saudi Military Intervention in Bahrain

Nuruzzaman, Mohammed

doi:10.1080/00472336.2012.759406

Cited by 18 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…Tidak hanya di dalam negeri, Saudi juga berperan dalam meredam pengaruh Arab Spring di Bahrain. Raja Abdullah mengirim pasukan ke Bahrain pada 14 Maret 2011 untuk membantu kerajaan Bahrain meredam pemberontakan prodemokrasi dan menjustifikasi keputusannya itu di bawah kerangka Dewan Kerjasama Teluk (GCC) (Nuruzzaman, 2013). Perlindungan status quo menjadi yang terpenting bagi Saudi yang berupaya meredam berbagai gerakan revolusioner di beberapa wilayah Timur Tengah seperti Yaman dan Suriah, dan memberikan dukungannya kepada Maroko dan Yordania.…”

Section: Sekuritisasi Terhadap Muslim Brotherhoodunclassified

Overview of Securitization in the Dynamics of Relations between Saudi Arabia and the Muslim Brotherhood Post-Arab Spring

Kalbuadi¹

2020

Jurnal ICMES

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Pada Maret 2014, Arab Saudi, melalui keputusan kerajaan, menetapkan Muslim Brotherhood (MB) sebagai organisasi teroris. Keputusan ini telah memengaruhi dinamika geopolitik Timur Tengah hingga hari ini karena Arab Saudi merupakan salah satu aktor kuat di kawasan. Penetapan MB sebagai organisasi teroris merupakan respons pemerintah Saudi atas keterlibatan MB dalam Arab Spring 2011 serta adanya dugaan Saudi mengenai keterlibatan MB dalam lengsernya Presiden Mesir Hosni Mubarak dan berbagai aksi protes anti-pemerintah yang menyebar di beberapa negara Timur Tengah. Saudi tidak selalu melihat MB sebagai sebuah ancaman. Ada masa ketika hubungan keduanya pernah berlangsung secara harmonis, sehingga dalam kasus ini telah terjadi pergeseran persepsi. Tulisan ini menganalisis fenomena tersebut dengan menggunakan Teori Sekuritisasi dengan memasukan komponen-komponen sekuritisasi sebagai kerangka analisis. Penulis berargumen bahwa semakin menguatnya MB dalam panggung politik Timur Tengah dengan upayanya menerapkan ideologi muslim modernis dan menawarkan demokrasi melalui sebuah revolusi merupakan penyebab pergeseran persepsi Arab Saudi terhadap MB.

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Section: Sekuritisasi Terhadap Muslim Brotherhoodunclassified

Overview of Securitization in the Dynamics of Relations between Saudi Arabia and the Muslim Brotherhood Post-Arab Spring

Kalbuadi¹

2020

Jurnal ICMES

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“…Some other studies also investigated the relationship between Iran and Gulf states from other corners (e.g., Barnwell, 2018;Grumet, 2015;Nuruzzaman, 2013;Wehrey, 2013;Wehrey, Karasik, Nader, Ghez, & Hansell, 2009). Barnwell (2018) investigated the Gulf States' emergence.…”

Section: Literature Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The study aimed to see the sectarianism's politics in the Gulf region including Kuwait, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia between "2003-2011". A research conducted by Nuruzzaman (2013) to describe the relations between Iran and Gulf States by looking at the intervention of economic, politics, and Saudi military in Bahrain in March 2011. In this field of research, Grumet (2015) studied the new cold war in the Middle East between Gulf States represented by Saudi Arabia as it was highlighted earlier that when anyone talks about Iran and Gulf, it means Iran and Saudi Arabia.…”

Section: Literature Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Impact of Geopolitical Determinants on Iranian-Gulf Relations: 2011 - 2018

AlBadareen¹

2019

theijhss

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Point of fact, the spatial dimension of the geopolitical side determines the international relations to a large extent, and affects the forms of regional and international interaction in which it could create a conflict or a cooperative or a combination of countries' relations due to different fields. According to Halliday (1996) "the geopolitics of the contemporary Gulf are dominated by a triangular conflict between the three most powerful states of the region-Iran, Iraq and Saudi Arabia" (p.1). This kind of conflict dominated the entire region for the past quarter of a century, and showed that there no abating sign, the conflict has no stable resolution (Halliday, 1996). In this regard, it is significant to understand the geopolitical forces as they play an effective role on the relation between countries (Dempsey, Qureshi, Ondoma, and Dempsey, 2017; Guyot, 2011). They explain these geopolitical forces have always affected war, political stability, economy, and geography. In this vein, Halliday (1996) states that even though a conflict is found in the relationship around the Gulf, there are no insuperable international obstacles at first sight to create peace among these three powerful states. In fact, plenty of mechanisms could be found that to resolve such territorial, political, and issues that could divide them. One of the important factors that could affect the relationship between Iran and Gulf countries since the Gulf region is seen to have 65% proven reserves of crude oil and 33% of the natural-gas reserves of the world (Okruhlik, 2003). The main two powers in this relationship between Iran and Gulf countries are presented by Iran and Saudi Arabia. This claim is proven by Pradhan (2018) who states that the Iran and Saudi Arabia relationship has a significant factor in the Persian Gulf region's stability as same as among the Middle East. Many issues are existed in which they remain the contention' bone between these two key regional players. The relations of Saudi-Iranian have been launched since the Islamic revolution's time, in 1979, in Iran. In addition, the interests of Iran, in the Arab Spring, are still continued to grow since the spreading of protests among Arab countries. For example, in Bahrain, the protests have become a conflict's flashpoint between both Iran and Saudi Arabia. Another example is the Syria's demography and population nature are a conflict propellant because the civil war, in Syria, has taken sectarian dimensions. The instability in Yemen is considered an important concern for Saudi Arabia due to its long border with it. This current paper attempts to investigate the determinants and their dimensions of the Iranian role in light of the Iranian decision makers' views in all their levels, namely local, regional and international levels and with an interest in explaining the motives and transformations of such moves. It is noticeable that Iran tries to strike a balance between its geopolitical position, its Islamic past and its revolutionary present. Besides, it aims to see how to ...

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“…Though the Bahraini Shi'ites hardly see Iran as a model of political-religious system of government, the Saudis were nervous that after overthrowing the Sunni Al-Khalifa family, they would move closer to Iran. A Shi'ites-dominated government in Manama could create two serious implications for Saudi Arabia and also for the US (Nuruzzaman, 2013c: 369-73). There was the possibility of closer Iran-Bahrain relations, a risky development that could precipitate a decline in Bahrain's relations with Riyadh and Washington.…”

Section: Saudi Intervention In Bahrainmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rethinking Foreign Military Interventions to Promote Human Rights: Evidence from Libya, Bahrain and Syria

Nuruzzaman

2015

Can J Pol Sci

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Foreign military intervention to promote democracy and human rights in the target states is a hotly debated issue. There are two camps of scholars who hold diametrically opposed views on the linkages between military interventions, democracy and human rights promotions. Scholars in the pro-intervention camp (see, for example, Brooks, 2012;Peceny, 1999;Perriello, 2012) vigorously argue that military interventions are necessary to unseat autocratic regimes, save the lives of people who aspire for democracy and promote human rights of the oppressed peoples. Interventions, according to them, are the best and most effective ways to democratize the authoritarian states and societies. The autocratic rulers would not otherwise budge and make way for democratic governance to ensure human rights. Murdie and Davis (2010) have examined this issue from a humanitarian peacekeeping operations viewpoint and arrived at similar conclusions. They argue that humanitarian peacekeeping interventions in states wracked by civil wars, though problematic, hold the potential to contribute to improvements in human rights conditions, and attempts to mediate between belligerent groups by humanitarian interveners might result in producing more respect for human rights.The anti-intervention camp (Bellin, 2004-05;de Mesquita and Downs, 2006;Gleditsch et al., 2007;Meernik et al., 2006), in contrast, rules out any positive connections between interventions and human rights and democracy promotions on the ground that third-party interventions are harmful to domestic reconciliation process and peace building in the target states. Military interventions, they hold, rarely contribute to the trajectory of

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Politics, Economics and Saudi Military Intervention in Bahrain

Cited by 18 publications

References 9 publications

Overview of Securitization in the Dynamics of Relations between Saudi Arabia and the Muslim Brotherhood Post-Arab Spring

Overview of Securitization in the Dynamics of Relations between Saudi Arabia and the Muslim Brotherhood Post-Arab Spring

The Impact of Geopolitical Determinants on Iranian-Gulf Relations: 2011 - 2018

Rethinking Foreign Military Interventions to Promote Human Rights: Evidence from Libya, Bahrain and Syria

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