Politics, mirrors of princes and the Bible: sins, kings and the well‐being of the realm

Meens, Rob

doi:10.1111/1468-0254.00034

Cited by 72 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…In sum, this case study suggests the potential of historical analyses (see, e.g., Elvin 1998;Meens 1998;Fomin 1999) to reveal how moral ecologies in other times and places have similarly held great sway over regional or national policies and politics. Such studies can usefully complement analyses of modern or contemporary moral ecologies and other (not necessarily unrelated) conceptions of human-environmental relations in which morality, spirituality or religion are embedded and can be identi ed as playing a role in resource contestation and ERMs (see, e.g., Hill et al 1995;Henneman and McIntosh 2009).…”

Section: 'Righteous Ruler' In Early Medieval Irish Moral Ecologiesmentioning

confidence: 85%

Mainstreaming Morality

Baker

Brock

Cortesi

et al. 2017

JSRNC

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In this article, we ask how considerations about moral (and immoral) ecologies have motivated and shaped ecological resistance movements. The concept of 'moral ecologies' involves expectations of reciprocal, just, and sustainable relations between society and environment, which we consider a central concern of environmental movements. We analyze the cultural, material, and political importance of moral ecologies as a form of resistance by examining social movements in Alaska and Turkey, as well as ideas about sumak kawsay ('good living') in Ecuador and historical precursors in the form of the 'righteous ruler' in early medieval Ireland. Our analysis demonstrates that a focus on moral ecologies has often resonated widely, facilitated new and cross-cutting coalitions, and in some cases garnered elite support and signi cantly in uenced national politics and landscapes.

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Section: 'Righteous Ruler' In Early Medieval Irish Moral Ecologiesmentioning

confidence: 85%

Mainstreaming Morality

Baker

Brock

Cortesi

et al. 2017

JSRNC

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“…This may have produced an agnostic attitude which was further compounded by famines and natural disasters in the first decades of the ninth century. 124 Carolingian historians did not need to have read Augustine as closely as Markus did to reach Augustine's conclusions. The secular strategy which commanded such remarkable consensus in the early ninth century reflected the same instinct, if not the same systematic thought, as Augustine had followed.…”

Section: Making Sense Of Secularitymentioning

confidence: 99%

A secular shift in Carolingian history writing?

Evans

2021

Early Medieval Europe

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This article explores a series of Carolingian historians, writing in the early ninth century, who marginalized the role of God's agency, in sharp contrast to the pattern established by the Annales Regni Francorum. Where this has been noted before, largely in relation to Einhard's Vita Karoli, it has been explained either as a clash between lay and monastic ideals or as a by-product of the classical renewal at the Carolingian court. Examining this process across multiple texts suggests, however, that these historians can be understood as self-consciously 'secularizing' in response to contemporary crises. * I should like to thank all the participants at the 'Sacral and the Secular' conference at Churchill College Cambridge in June 2018 for helpful comments and feedback on this paper, and especially Conor O'Brien for many fruitful discussions then and since. This paper draws partly on my doctoral thesis, and I should like to thank Rosamond McKitterick for her generous supervision over many years, and I am further grateful to my examiners Stuart Airlie and Mayke de Jong for prompting many improvements to my original arguments about secularity. All errors remain my own.

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“…Content-wise, the genre unfolds a broad spectrum from relatively simple lists of moral virtues to more complex political philosophical reflections on the state and issues like the relationship between politics and Christianity and between the prince and his subjects. With Christianity, the mirrors in general introduced a theological horizon and the ruler was described as one who should be a mediator between earth and God (Blum, 1981; Meens, 1998). When it comes to chronology, the mirrors had their heyday around 1500–1600.…”

Section: Mirrors For Princes – Casementioning

confidence: 99%

Media for reflection: A comparison of renaissance mirrors for princes and contemporary management education

Knudsen

2015

Management Learning

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This article develops the concept media for reflection in the interest of conceptualizing the interpretative frames that enable and limit reflection in management and leadership education. The concept 'media for reflection' allows us to conceptualize the social and cultural mediation of reflection without reducing reflection to an effect of the social structures and cultural norms in which it is embedded. Based on the developed theoretical framework, this article analyses how a renaissance 'mirror for princes' and contemporary research-based management education mediate reflection. The content of the mediations is analysed as well as the societal and organizational background. Furthermore, the means by which the two media enable and limit reflection in different ways is compared. Finally, the article discusses possible implications of the analysis in terms of management and leadership education.

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Politics, mirrors of princes and the Bible: sins, kings and the well‐being of the realm

Cited by 72 publications

References 0 publications

Mainstreaming Morality

Mainstreaming Morality

A secular shift in Carolingian history writing?

Media for reflection: A comparison of renaissance mirrors for princes and contemporary management education

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