Populism and (liberal) democracy:

Mudde, Cas; Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira

doi:10.1017/cbo9781139152365.002

Cited by 278 publications

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“…By placing populism at the centre of any politics of (democratic) representation, by disputing the exclusive eurocentric link between populism and the extreme right, POPULISMUS was bound to take very seriously the crucial question put forward by Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser (2012): should populism be considered as a threat or as a corrective to democracy? Or maybe as both?…”

Section: Populism Anti-populism and Democracymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2012, Van Kessel 2015. In important international research meetings and conferences in we which we have participated (including the Team Populism May 2015 London conference and the workshop on left-wing populism co-organized by POPULISMUS and Queen Mary University of London in February 2015) a broad consensus emerged on the need for such a minimal criteria approach.…”

Section: Minimal Criteria: Where To Draw the Line?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In important international research meetings and conferences in we which we have participated (including the Team Populism May 2015 London conference and the workshop on left-wing populism co-organized by POPULISMUS and Queen Mary University of London in February 2015) a broad consensus emerged on the need for such a minimal criteria approach. What still remains a point of contention, however, is whether the two criteria put forward by the Essex School -and accepted in one form or the other by influential researchers like Margaret Canovan as well as Cas Mudde & Cristobal Rovir Kaltwasser (Canovan 1999, Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser 2012 -are, in principle, enough or whether additional ones are needed. In some of the aforementioned definitions an additional dimension is encountered that has to do with the alleged purity with which populism invests the people and the corruption attributed to the elites it opposes, thus introducing a moral aspect to the identification of populist discourse along a good/evil axis.…”

Section: Minimal Criteria: Where To Draw the Line?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In some of the aforementioned definitions an additional dimension is encountered that has to do with the alleged purity with which populism invests the people and the corruption attributed to the elites it opposes, thus introducing a moral aspect to the identification of populist discourse along a good/evil axis. Hence definitions of populism like the one provided by Cas Mudde (2007; see also Mudde & Kaltwasser 2012) that over-stress the importance of a moralist signification of the antagonism between 'the people' and the 'elite', where the former is perceived as 'good' or 'pure' and the latter is regarded as 'corrupt' and 'evil'. What is more, definitions like the one given by Mudde (right now probably the most widely utilized in the comparative study of populism; see, for example, De la Torre 2015), maintain that 'the people' of populism is always perceived as 'homogeneous', since populism is regarded as the inverse of pluralism. In our view, however, to arrive at a truly minimal and operational definition of populism one would have to bracket the significance of moral investment and idealization.…”

Section: Minimal Criteria: Where To Draw the Line?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Sobre populismo y política. Hacia un populismo marrano

Moreiras¹

2017

Política Común

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In preparation for the international conference organized within the framework of POPULISMUS (Populism and Democracy, Thessaloniki, 26-28 June 2015), the POPULISMUS research team has drafted a background paper summarizing the principal thematic axes of the research conducted, outlining its methodology and implementation, presenting a selection of the main findings up to this stage and raising questions to be further explored and debated at the conference in order to facilitate future research.

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Section: Populism Anti-populism and Democracymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Minimal Criteria: Where To Draw the Line?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Minimal Criteria: Where To Draw the Line?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Minimal Criteria: Where To Draw the Line?mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Sobre populismo y política. Hacia un populismo marrano

Moreiras¹

2017

Política Común

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“…Nor should it be confused with the phenomenon of populism, which includes other characteristics (Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser 2012). The rise of outsider party leaders may be seen partly as a corollary of the decline of political parties which has been occurring in the last few decades in advanced industrial democracies.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Personality Goes a Long Way

Lobo¹

2017

Gov. & oppos.

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This article reviews books which test the personalization of politics, looking at different dimensions of the growing importance of leaders over time, namely for political parties, in electoral behaviour and in the media. Only recently have wide-ranging comparative longitudinal studies on leaders been carried out. The personalization thesis is not equally demonstrated across all dimensions. Indeed, we find something of a puzzle: There is no strong trend towards personalization of party organizations, whereas in electoral behaviour the evidence points to the increasing use by voters of leaders as heuristics. This attests to the decline of the importance of parties. The personalization of media may be the mechanism which explains the change in voting behaviour, and the third and final section of the review looks into that arena. We conclude with some suggestions on further research on the personalization of politics.

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The excluded ordinary? A theory of populist radical right supporters’ position in society

Versteegen

2023

Euro J Social Psych

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Populist Radical Right (PRR) supporters see themselves as ordinary people, represent a broad societal spectrum, and overrepresent historically powerful majorities (e.g., whites, men). Simultaneously, members of these groups increasingly feel neglected or discriminated against. In article, I argue that some PRR supporters may feel excluded from society despite seeing themselves as ordinary people. Optimal Distinctiveness Theory posits that individuals must balance their countervailing needs to belong to the larger group while feeling recognized as unique subgroup members. While PRR supporters’ self‐perception as ordinary people suggests that they experience belonging to the larger society, subjective experiences of neglect and disrespect may leave their uniqueness need unsatisfied. I showcase this argument using semi‐structured interviews with German PRR supporters. I discuss avenues for future quantitative tests and raise a significant implication: if subjective lack of subgroup uniqueness contributes to PRR support, reminding majority members of their objective subgroup recognition could mitigate it.

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Populism and (liberal) democracy:

Cited by 278 publications

References 0 publications

Sobre populismo y política. Hacia un populismo marrano

Sobre populismo y política. Hacia un populismo marrano

Personality Goes a Long Way

The excluded ordinary? A theory of populist radical right supporters’ position in society

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