Populism and the Politics of Resentment

Abstract

This article argues that understanding the dangers and risks of authoritarian populism in consolidated constitutional democracies requires analysis of the forms of pluralism and status anxieties that emerge in civil and economic society, in a context of profound political, socioeconomic, and cultural change. This paper has two basic theses. The first is that when societies become deeply divided, and segmental pluralism maps onto affective party political polarization, generalized social solidarity is imperiled, as is commitment to democratic norms, social justice, and liberal democratic constitutionalism. The second, is that populist political entrepreneurs excel in fomenting social antagonisms by framing shifts in the forms of social pluralism in ways that foster deep political polarization, generalized distrust and a politics of resentment against Belites,^Bthe establishment,^Bthe oligarchy,^and Boutsiders.^Why populist offers resonate requires a social theoretical analysis of status/solidarity and class issues and a direct response to them. I draw on Polanyi and Habermas to develop an explanatory approach to the current crisis and the populist responses it triggers. I navigate between two inadequate approaches: that of the Hofstadter consensus school which construes status concerns and populism as retrograde, anti-modern, paranoid and meriting no direct response; and that of the neo-Marxist tradition that acknowledges the mobilizing power of Bcultural factors^and status anxieties but deems them to be epiphenomena of the deeper story of economic distributive injustice. I reject this assessment and seek to take up the status/ solidarity issues in ways that take them seriously, challenge populist framing and provide alternative direct responses to them. I reject the narrative frames of left populists who foment polarization and I try to present an alternative narrative framing for a future democratic politics that draws on the best in politically liberal, constitutionalist, democratic, and socialist traditions.

Populism Is Always Gendered and Dangerous

“…While contested in terms of right and left associations and historical relations to fascism or democracy, theorists generally associate populism with the energized "ordinary" people who have been ignored and demeaned by an elitist few who have gained control of society in their own interests (often by bringing in or racial, religious, or ethnic others/minorities) at the cost of the people and, even, the Nation. The "authentic" people rally under a charismatic leader who claims to be in a unique position to define and defend the interests of the people and to recover the values which support the people's prominence in the nation and restore the Nation to its glorious past (Cohen, 2019;Urbinati, 2019). Anti-immigration policies and religious or ethnic bigotry, thus, often play important roles in the rhetoric of populists, together with an imaginary of violation, occupation, and displacement by the dangerous, criminalized, and devious others threatening the "assumed" majority, its rule and social, economic, and political standing (Beltrán, 2020).…”

“…Thus, instead of the expected flourishing of democratic spaces (symbolized in the twentieth century by the fall of the Berlin Wall), we have been experiencing a de-democratization in the face of economic challenges from global capital, new cross-border technologies, and major political disruptions linked to shrinking arenas of state sovereignty (Mostov, 2008;Brown, 2010;Balibar, 2017). The call for more walls, technologies of surveillance, militarized campaigns against criminalized others, concerted efforts to stop the demographic decline of the self-proclaimed majority race or ethnic group, and expansion of borders within (and outside of) national spaces are all part of the populist trends to protect "us" and "our" national space.…”

Global competences and 21st century higher education – And why they matter

“…But winning is premised on someone losing, in turn reinforcing new social differences. When some groups come to understand themselves as losing out economically and socially, new resentments as to who is to blame have surfaced (Cohen, 2019). Rather than point their finger at the pernicious effects of neoliberal policies, those who have been left behind have turned on those who are different – migrants, ethnic groups, gypsies and travellers – as the cause of their loss in status.…”

Populism with a Ph.D: education levels and populist leaders

“…Mainstream news media initially interpreted Donald Trump's political interest as a way to promote his business. It has also been noted that populist plutocrats often sail to power on anticorruption platforms emphasizing their status as outsiders (see Cohen 2019 for an overview of the institutional changes that ease the rise of billionaire populists). Trump himself, as is more typical of politicians, portrayed his candidacy as an opportunity for the American people to take advantage of his financial expertise.…”

“…Importantly, the evidence suggests that successful populists use the media effectively to communicate their message and project such images of commonality. There is a link between 'billionaire outsiders, media manipulators, tech savvy populists, and the creation of anti-establishment party movements that spurn the democratic rules of the game' (Cohen 2019). Populists like Berlusconi, Fortuyn, and Trump all used the media as a primary platform to acquire visibility in the political arena.…”