Populist Politics and the ‘Radical Right’ in 2014 Elections

Abstract

The European Parliament elections in 2014 ended in momentous gains throughout the continent for several groupings that have explicitly questioned the form, and even the very existence, of the European Union (EU) itself. This growth in discontentment presents a potentially formidable challenge to the integrationist agenda that has hitherto largely prevailed in Brussels. The orthodoxy that states could achieve so much more by working closely together is now under threat. So it perhaps somewhat paradoxical that what are often labelled 'Euroskeptics', or self-identify as 'Eurorealists', have exploited the European Parliament (EP) as a major campaigning platform from which to express themselves. Moreover, these parties have achieved representation and thereby gained practical resources that have in turn helped them further mobilize support within their respective member states. Perhaps one of the few comforts for adherents to what was once the seemingly hegemonic Europhile consensus that still dominates the Council of Ministers and European Commission is that the various skeptical forces ranged against them are ideologically divided and agree on little save their desire to hasten the end of the Euro, the European Union or both. Commenting on politics during the mid-1990s Andreas Schedler described the then emerging 'Anti-Political Establishment' (APE) as a 'spectre… haunting contemporary party politics' (1996: 291). This phenomenon included the developing Eurosceptic forces within EU member states. Since then 'APE' parties have become an established feature within the EP and it is noteworthy that the anti-integrationists have also used this forum to try and influence the domestic political agenda in their respective states. The Parliament has proved useful in helping these parties gain leverage and representation in their countries' 'first order' or governmental elections. Many of these politicians share what Schedler characterized as largely right wing affinities that provide a rallying point for a melange of disaffected voters, disgruntled conservatives, overt nationalists and covert racists (ibid.).

The UK: The Post-Brexit, Ghost Election

“…Both side-lined the issue and focused more on their domestic agendas, the Conservatives mentioning Brexit in only 8% of their posts and Labour in only 7% , perhaps in vain hope of shifting the debate. Following the norm for EP elections in many countries (Schuck et al, 2011;Wring et al, 2017), national political issues dominated the agenda, the exceptions being the Northern Irish, Scottish and Welsh parties which offered a more regional level focus. The parties also focused on their own party policy, with two exceptions.…”

The European Parliament Elections and Czech Political Parties: Much Ado About Nothing?

“…Finally, the concluding section considers whether the orientation of given parties tends to be positive or negative toward the EU. In the last part, the article elaborates on a generally accepted assertion (e.g., Nielsen, Franklin, 2017;Wring, Grill et al, 2017), according to which Euroscepticism (or so called "Eurorealism" as claimed from within) has prevailed since the 2014 EP election. In this text, nevertheless, mere indicators as public attitudes toward the European Commission and the EU membership itself are not to be taken into account.…”