(213 words)To what extent do early intuitions about ownership depend on cultural and socioeconomic circumstances? We investigated the question by testing reasoning about third party ownership conflicts in various groups of three-and five-year-old children (N=176), growing up in seven highly contrasted social, economic, and cultural circumstances (urban rich, poor, very poor, rural poor, and traditional) spanning three continents. Each child was presented with a series of scripts involving two identical dolls fighting over an object of possession. The child had to decide who of the two dolls should own the object. Each script enacted various potential reasons for attributing ownership: creation, familiarity, first contact, equity, plus a control/neutral condition with no suggested reasons. Results show that across cultures, children are significantly more consistent and decisive in attributing ownership when one of the protagonists created the object. Development between three and five years is more or less pronounced depending on culture. The propensity to split the object in equal halves whenever possible was generally higher at certain locations (i.e., China) and quasi-inexistent in others (i.e., Vanuatu and street children of Recife). Overall, creation reasons appear to be more primordial and stable across cultures than familiarity, relative wealth or first contact. This trend does not correlate with the
OWNERSHIP REASONING IN CHILDREN OF 7 CULTURESRecent cross-cultural research indicates that market integration (i.e. average number of calories purchased per capita) and affiliation with a large world religion predict individuals' propensity to be generous as well as their tendency to distribute resources and engage in costly punishment . Such findings suggest that socio-economic and cultural context could determine much of the ways we tend to see and relate to material possessions: how we are inclined to share and distribute justice, how we think of who owns what and why?Ethnographies and comparative studies of property rights show how many norms of individual ownership may vary across cultures (Barclay, 2005;O'Meara, 1990). By the second year, children manifest explicit attachment to particular person (Ainsworth et al., 1978) and material things (Faigenbaum, 2005;, becoming vocal and explicit about their possession (Tomasello, 1998;Bates, 1990;Rochat, 2011). However, the frequency and form of infants' and toddlers' early attachment and exclusive control over things may vary across cultures. Early attachment to objects or transitional objects (Winnicott, 1953) is less prevalent in cultures where the practice is for children to sleep with their parents (Hobara, 2003). When asked to split valuable goods with someone else, preschoolers growing up in rural, traditional, or small communal living environments tend to be less selfish and more egalitarian In another rare cross-cultural study that compared one-to three-year-old toddlers growing up in different kibbutz, Lakin, Lakin, & Costanzo (1979) observe...