Possessor raising and structural variations within the &lt;em&gt;v&lt;/em&gt;P domain

Rodrigues, Cilene

doi:10.16995/glossa.9131

Cited by 3 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…In most Spanish dialects, the dative possessor generally appears to be in complementary distribution with possessive determiners heading the possessum in these contexts; 4 instead, the latter is commonly headed by a definite determiner or, alternatively, a quantifier (Demonte 1988;Kempchinsky 1992;Picallo and Rigau 1999;Gutiérrez Ordóñez 1999). The dative argument is therefore understood as the possessor or the location of the possessum (Cuervo 2003) External possession in Romance languages has been analyzed in terms of binding and control (Guéron 1983(Guéron , 1985Demonte 1988), predication (Vergnaud and Zubizarreta 1992), possessor raising (Demonte 1995;Sánchez López 2007;Nakamoto 2010;Suárez-Palma 2022;Rodrigues 2010Rodrigues , 2023, applied arguments (Cuervo 2003), or a mixture of the last two approaches, i.e., possessor raising to the specifier of an applicative projection (Armstrong 2021;Suárez-Palma forthcoming).…”

Section: Dative Possessors and (In-)alienable Possessionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Middle-Passive Constructions, Dative Possessors, and Word Order in Spanish

Suárez-Palma

2023

Languages

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This paper examines data from Spanish middle-passive sentences whose grammatical subject contains a body-part noun, externally possessed by means of a dative possessor. I advocate for an analysis whereby the possessor originates inside the theme DP and raises to the specifier of an applicative projection to be licensed with dative case. I show that the unmarked order for dative DPs in these configurations is preverbal. These phrases may appear as the sole preverbal constituent, presumably in preverbal subject position, thus forcing the theme DP to remain inside the VP; alternatively, both the dative DP and theme DP can occur preverbally, in which case, the former appears to be left dislocated while the latter would be probed to preverbal subject position. This last scenario leads to a minimality violation, since the theme would be probed over the empty pronominal standing for the possessor that must necessarily sit in Spec, ApplP for the inalienable possession construal to obtain. Instead, I argue that both preverbal dative and theme DPs in Spanish middle-passive sentences are left dislocated and corefer with empty pronominals inside the sentence; the null dative possessor, being closer to T° always raises to subject position, which avoids any potential intervention effects. Finally, I explore how these data can be analyzed within a paratactic approach.

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Section: Dative Possessors and (In-)alienable Possessionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Middle-Passive Constructions, Dative Possessors, and Word Order in Spanish

Suárez-Palma

2023

Languages

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“…Issues related to focus, topicalization, preverbal subjects and left dislocation in Romance (Suñer 1988, Vallduví 1992, Cinque 1990, Uriagereka 1995, Rizzi 1997, Zubizarreta 1998, Ordóñez & Treviño 1999, Villalba 2000, Poletto 2000, Benincà 2001, Costa 2004, Raposo & Uriagereka 2005, Ortega-Santos 2016, a.o) have fed underpinning ideas on the formal architecture of left peripheries, leading to a fertile research agenda on the syntax of discourse features, considering the CP and the vP domains (e.g. Jiménez-Fernández & Spyropoulos, 2013, Gupton 2014, Lacerda 2020, Rodrigues 2023.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Breakthrough Contributions of Romance Languages to Formal Linguistics

Rodrigues,

Pires de Oliveira

2023

isogloss

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Inalienable possession (and lack thereof) in Spanish

Suárez-Palma

2024

Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics

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This paper revisits the phenomenon of inalienable possession between a dative argument and a body-part noun in Spanish. Specifically, it looks at contexts where the inalienable possession interpretation is obligatory, as in constructions containing monoeventive verbs of perception, and those where the inalienable reading becomes optional, namely with bi-eventive predicates denoting a change of state. I offer a possessor raising and applicative hybrid analysis, whereby the inalienable possessor originates inside the body-part DP and raises to the specifier of an applicative head to license dative case; the position ApplP occupies in the derivation determines the dative’s interpretation as a mere possessor (low applicative), or as an affected possessor as well (middle applicative). Alternatively, cases where the dative is not understood as the inalienable possessor but simply as affected occur when this argument is an additional one originating in the specifier of the middle applicative head, and the possessor of the body-part noun is encoded internally via a clitic or strong possessive, or by means of a genitive PP inside the DP. Thus, I propose the existence of two types of affected applicative heads: (i) one whose specifier is available for the possessor inside the possessum DP to move into to be case licensed, and (ii) another introducing an additional argument in its specifier. Additionally, this analysis accounts for the complementary distribution between dative possessors and possessive determiners in Spanish.

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Possessor raising and structural variations within the <em>v</em>P domain

Cited by 3 publications

References 23 publications

Middle-Passive Constructions, Dative Possessors, and Word Order in Spanish

Middle-Passive Constructions, Dative Possessors, and Word Order in Spanish

Breakthrough Contributions of Romance Languages to Formal Linguistics

Inalienable possession (and lack thereof) in Spanish

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