2018
DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-94123-3_14
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Post-foundationalism and the Possibility of Critique: Comparing Laclau and Mouffe

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Cited by 4 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…Moreover, a discursive approach recognizes the central position of affect in social identification (and therefore, politics). With regards to populist articulation, affect is not considered separate from reason, but rather intrinsic to it (Hildebrand and Séville 2019). What makes populist politics so successful is that it compensates for the impossible desire to complete social identification by representing the “other” as the obstacle, or outside, to attaining wholeness and closure (Hildebrand and Séville 2019).…”
Section: Connecting Far Right and Islamist Politicsmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Moreover, a discursive approach recognizes the central position of affect in social identification (and therefore, politics). With regards to populist articulation, affect is not considered separate from reason, but rather intrinsic to it (Hildebrand and Séville 2019). What makes populist politics so successful is that it compensates for the impossible desire to complete social identification by representing the “other” as the obstacle, or outside, to attaining wholeness and closure (Hildebrand and Séville 2019).…”
Section: Connecting Far Right and Islamist Politicsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…With regards to populist articulation, affect is not considered separate from reason, but rather intrinsic to it (Hildebrand and Séville 2019). What makes populist politics so successful is that it compensates for the impossible desire to complete social identification by representing the “other” as the obstacle, or outside, to attaining wholeness and closure (Hildebrand and Séville 2019). Therefore, the “people” are considered a phantasmatic object upon which political agents and social subjects can project their desires and constitutive lack .…”
Section: Connecting Far Right and Islamist Politicsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Critics have accused her either of giving too much leeway to uncontrollable politicization (Aytac, 2020) or of establishing too strict limits to politicization (Devenney, 2020). This means that her theory is either too relativistic to have any basis for distinguishing between various regimes (Hildebrand and Séville, 2019) or that it relies on objective principles insofar as it contradicts the postfoundational idea of radical contingency (Marttila and Gengnagel, 2015). Furthermore, her reliance on the radical conservative and National Socialist legal theorist, Carl Schmitt, has been criticized for institutionalizing politics (Palonen, 2007;Boucher, 2019); alternatively, it has been claimed that her theory underestimates the role of institutions (Leiviskä, 2018).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%