The apology is a speech act which has deep and wide social and psychological significance. In both popular and academic notions of politeness it is perhaps the example par excellence of politeness at work. As Holmes (1998: 217), rightly, contends, "the apology is quintessentially a politeness strategy". In both public and private interaction, the need for an apology signifies that something has gone wrong and needs to be put right. In terms of spoken encounters, to utter an apology involves the speaker acknowledging some perceived social transgression and the hearer receiving and dealing with this act. The apology arguably puts both speaker and hearer in a precarious relational position and necessitates remedial "facework" (Goffman 1971), usually involving some form of linguistic management. Furthermore, the nature of the apology can be very important in resolving a variety of types of conflict, ranging from uncomfortable moments in conversation through serious breaches of social and/or cultural norms by an individual to incidents with national or international political significance (See Zhang 2001; Harris et al. forthcoming; Jeffries forthcoming). As such, apologies, along with requests, have probably generated more research in the past two decades than any other form of speech act. Much of this research has emerged in relation to pragmatics and politeness theory but has also come from a variety of other disciplines, i. e., sociolinguistics, social psychology, philosophy and foreign language teaching.As with other politeness phenomena, Levinson's (1987 [1978]) work has been enormously influential, particularly their conceptualization of the notion of "face", which perceives apologies as primarily a negative politeness strategy communicating a speaker's reluctance to violate negative face wants. However, the bulk of apology research, most of which is empirically based, reveals the apology to be a much more complex speech act than Brown and Levinson's analysis would suggest. Perhaps best known of these earlier studies are Cohen and Olsh-tain (1981), Olshtain and Cohen (1983), Olshtain and Weinback (1987) and Olshtain (1989) who usefully attempt to identify the main structural components of an apology i. e., (i) an illocutionary force indicating device (IFID) and (ii) an expression of responsibility/blame, as general strategies, with three further situation-specific strategies involving (iii) an explanation or account (iv) an offer of repair and (v) a promise of forbearance (Olshtain and Cohen 1983). A number of researchers have since questioned whether, indeed, any of these components can be considered as compulsory (and, hence, universal) constituent parts of an apology (e. g., Mills 2003), and the papers in this issue of Journal of Politeness Research attest to the value in looking, in particular, at situated discourse data. However, Olshtain and Cohen's taxonomy has provided a useful starting point for many studies, including some of those that follow in this issue.Meier's (1998) insightful review of apo...