2020
DOI: 10.1111/sena.12327
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Power‐Sharing in Deeply Divided Societies: Consociationalism and Sectarian Authoritarianism

Abstract: Consociationalists have traditionally embraced sectarian authoritarianism combined with a very limited form of democracy as the only democratic way of managing plural conflicts. New Generation consociationalists, by contrast, believe their theory is compatible with opposing sectarian authoritarianism in places like Iraq and the Lebanon. Traditional consociationalists have tended to claim that all power-sharing is consociational, whereas revisionist and liberal consociationalists claim that consociationalism do… Show more

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Cited by 12 publications
(6 citation statements)
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“…Critics have recently added that “consociations can only be ‘demoicratic’ but not ‘democratic’” since it, allegedly, does not comprise a “common demos,” but rather “multiple demoi” (Stojanović, 2020: 39–40). They have also developed unusual arguments, such as that consociationalists promote “sectarian authoritarianism and disdain for non‐sectarianism and popular struggles” (Dixon, 2020: 118).…”
Section: Consociationalism and Centripetalism: “Amici Ma Non Troppo”?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Critics have recently added that “consociations can only be ‘demoicratic’ but not ‘democratic’” since it, allegedly, does not comprise a “common demos,” but rather “multiple demoi” (Stojanović, 2020: 39–40). They have also developed unusual arguments, such as that consociationalists promote “sectarian authoritarianism and disdain for non‐sectarianism and popular struggles” (Dixon, 2020: 118).…”
Section: Consociationalism and Centripetalism: “Amici Ma Non Troppo”?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…(McGarry and O’Leary 2007:671; 2009:17). As Paul Dixon (2020) argues in his contribution to this collection, this opens scholars who do not examine the process of identity formation and identity change but instead take those identities as given to the charge that their work is based on an assumption – whether passive or active, conscious or subconscious – of primordialism (Chandra 2001:8; Dixon 2011).…”
Section: The Weakness Of Iraq’s Informal Consociational Systemmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Instead of prioritizing meaningful political and economic participation across social classes, the debate has been confined to the proportional representation of all ethnic or sectarian elites (McGarry and O’Leary 2007). The debate hence normalizes the persistence of (and increase in) class inequalities and, consequently, narrows down the discussion (and political imagination) to the single objective of state stability, even if it involves some variant of authoritarianism – including the authoritarianism of sectarian elites, as Paul Dixon (2020) suggests in his contribution to this special feature 1…”
Section: The Counter‐revolutionary Elephant In the Liberal Roommentioning
confidence: 99%