2015
DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2015.1115535
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Powerful rules governing the euro: the perverse logic of German ideas

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Cited by 130 publications
(68 citation statements)
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“…Howarth and Rommerskirchen 2013). And they demonstrate that ideas may be so powerful as to go against (rationalist) material self-interests, as in the 'perverse logic' of Germany's ordo-liberal ideas and the problems these have caused for the eurozone and Germany's own economic interests (Matthijs 2016).…”
Section: Theorising Neo-institutional Change (And Continuity) In the mentioning
confidence: 99%
See 2 more Smart Citations
“…Howarth and Rommerskirchen 2013). And they demonstrate that ideas may be so powerful as to go against (rationalist) material self-interests, as in the 'perverse logic' of Germany's ordo-liberal ideas and the problems these have caused for the eurozone and Germany's own economic interests (Matthijs 2016).…”
Section: Theorising Neo-institutional Change (And Continuity) In the mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The stability discourse was intended to help legitimate bond buying while overcoming the resistance of those who retained a narrow reading of the 'no-bailout clause' . Already with Trichet, the modest 'non-standard' bond-buying policies led to internal fights within the ECB, and even the resignation of the two German members of the ECB governing board, Axel Weber in April 2011, Jürgen Stark in September 2011, in protest (Matthijs 2016). This led to the appointment of the more moderate Jörg Asmussen to the governing board, which facilitated further discretionary policies by the ECB.…”
Section: From 'Credibility' To 'Stability' and 'Never' Lender Of Lastmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…H ευρωζώνη ξεκινούσε ένα ιστορικό τα-ξίδι με τελικό προορισμό την κρίση (Mourlon-Druol, 2014), για την ερμηνεία της οποίας προτείνονται ποικίλες θεωρίες. Ο διακυβερνητισμός (Fabbrini, 2013/ Maris and Sklias, 2015, ο νεολειτουργισμός (Niemann and Ioannou, 2015), η ποικιλία των μοντέλων του καπιταλισμού (Hall, 2014), ο φιλελεύθερος διακυβερνητισμός (Schimmelfennig, 2015), ο ιστορικός θεσμι-σμός (Gocaj andMeunier, 2013 / Verdun, 2015), ο διαβουλευτικός διακυβερ-νητισμός (Puetter, 2012), ο νέος διακυβερνητισμός (Bickerton et al, 2015), η προσέγγιση του ρυθμιστικού κράτους (Caporaso et al 2015), της κριτικής πολιτικής οικονομίας (Ryner, 2015), της κανονιστικής πολιτικής θεωρίας (Dyson, 2013), των ιδεών διακυβέρνησης (Matthijs, 2016) και της πολιτικής μάθησης (Dunlop and Radaelli, 2016) αποτελούν ορισμένες εξ αυτών. Βέβαια, το ερώτημα εάν η διακυβέρνηση στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (ΕΕ) έχει γίνει πε-ρισσότερο υπερεθνική ή όχι παραμένει (Dehousse, 2016 / Fabbrini andPuetter, 2016), ενώ παράλληλα αυξάνονται οι πεποιθήσεις πως ορισμένα κρά-τη-μέλη μπορούν να κυριαρχούν έναντι των άλλων (Fabbrini, 2015/ Fabbrini, 2016b.…”
Section: εισαγωγηunclassified
“…Referring to the power in the background of ideas, Carstensen and Schmidt (2016) argue that as ideas might become embedded in structure, they exist 'at a deeper level than policy ideas…and are often left unarticulated as background knowledge', thus limiting the 'policy options [political actors] themselves believe to be normatively acceptable'. Intrinsically one set of ideas becomes superior to other, dominant conceptions of what is appropriate, stressing the logic that there is no alternative in governing action (Matthijs 2015).…”
Section: Introducing Discursive Institutionalismmentioning
confidence: 99%