Practical vs. identity regionalism: Australia's APC initiative, a case study

Lee, Sheryn; Milner, Anthony

doi:10.1080/13569775.2014.907992

Cited by 14 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…Kevin Rudd's abortive attempt to launch an "Asia Pacific Community" (APC) is illustrative of difficulties facing what are perceived to be non-Asian members of the region at times. 39 Significantly, however, a very similar proposal to the APC ultimately emerged as the East Asia Summit (EAS), which includes all of the principal Asian states, as well as India, the US, Russia, New Zealand and Australia. Yet when the geopolitical stars align, it is possible for middle powers to play an entrepreneurial role, as when former Australian Foreign Minister, Gareth Evans helped to establish what would become the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in the aftermath of the Cold War's ending.…”

Section: The Politics Of Contingencymentioning

confidence: 99%

Unlikely allies? Australia, Indonesia and the strategic cultures of middle powers

Beeson¹,

Bloomfield

Wicaksana

2020

Asian Security

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Australia and Indonesia are two very different countries with little in common other than geography. Their distinctive histories, cultures and identities have meant that the bilateral relationship has often been difficult and characterized by frequent misunderstandings and uncertainty. As close neighbors, however, they have had little option other than to try to make the best of their historical circumstances. This paper analyses the different strategic cultures, policies and perspectives that have emerged in both countries. We argue that despite their differences, the current international order offers an opportunity for "middle powers" to play a more prominent role-if they can recognize their mutual interests and potential as members of a region of growing international importance.

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Section: The Politics Of Contingencymentioning

confidence: 99%

Unlikely allies? Australia, Indonesia and the strategic cultures of middle powers

Beeson¹,

Bloomfield

Wicaksana

2020

Asian Security

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“…Unfortunately for them, both the EAC and APC proposals became mere 'thought bubbles' due to their domestic political situations and naïveté about regional and alliance sensitivities overwhelming their visionary geopolitics. Hatoyama's adoption of 'muddle through' tactics for finessing his own political party's management of Japan's alliance with the United States, and Rudd's inability to control rival factions in the Australian Labor Party and ASEAN resentment over his failure to consult about his APC proposal before he publicly revealed it, simply eclipsed their foreign policy innovations (see Clausen 2012;Lee and Milner 2014). However, future political leaders in Japan and Australia may be more successful in implementing inter-institutional balancing with new ideas and initiatives if they intend to play a more active role in shaping the regional order toward their preferences and interests.…”

Section: Potential Order Transition and Institutional Balancingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Contested multilateralism 2.0 and regional order transition: causes and implications

2018

The Pacific Review

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This article proposes a new concept of 'contested multilateralism 2.0' to describe the puzzling institutional building efforts by non-ASEAN members after the 2008 global financial crisis (GFC) in the Asia-Pacific. It suggests that different to 'multilateralism 1.0' of the 1990s, which was mainly led by ASEAN, this wave of multilateralism has been initiated by other powers, such as the United States, China, Japan, Australia, and South Korea, either by forming new institutions or by reinvigorating existing ones. This article advances an institutional balancing argument. It suggests that 'contested multilateralism 2.0' is a result of institutional balancing among major states under the conditions of high strategic uncertainty and high economic interdependence after the GFC. One unintended consequence may be that it could well lead to a more peaceful transformation of the regional order in the Asia-Pacific if regional security hotspots, such as the Korean crisis and the South China Sea dispute, can be managed appropriately.

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“…One of the continuing opinions in Southeast Asia is that ASEAN ought to remain at the centre of the region's institution-building efforts. Consequently, threats to ASEAN's notional centrality have been met coolly (Lee and Milner 2014). To ensure ASEAN cooperation in any putative organisational initiative, it is necessary to subscribe to the ASEAN Way of doing things.…”

Section: The Arf In Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Can ASEAN Cope with China?

Beeson

2016

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs

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The rise of China is the most important development in East Asia in recent times. It presents major opportunities and challenges, if not threats, for ASEAN as a collective entity, and for the individual countries that compose it. Whether ASEAN can develop a collective, let alone effective response is far from clear. This paper explores and analyses the forces that are likely to determine the outcome.

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Practical vs. identity regionalism: Australia's APC initiative, a case study

Cited by 14 publications

References 21 publications

Unlikely allies? Australia, Indonesia and the strategic cultures of middle powers

Unlikely allies? Australia, Indonesia and the strategic cultures of middle powers

Contested multilateralism 2.0 and regional order transition: causes and implications

Can ASEAN Cope with China?

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