2019
DOI: 10.1353/lan.2019.0010
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Pragmatics and the social life of the English definite article

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Cited by 78 publications
(24 citation statements)
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“…In section 5, he narrates an encounter with nonmigrants in a way that opposes all nonmigrant and diasporic Portuguese as two types or wholes (Gal and Irvine 2019). Rather than say uns/alguns/ some Portuguese people, he says, “I saw the Portuguese people” (third person definite plural), referring to and lumping together all (nonmigrant) Portuguese (see Acton 2019 for a similar strategy in American English). What follows is the maximally reportable action: a stylized quotation of what nonmigrant types tell one another about emigrants, performed for the benefit of overhearing diasporans, at the expense of nonmigrants.…”
Section: Jonathan Da Silva’s Vlog Postmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In section 5, he narrates an encounter with nonmigrants in a way that opposes all nonmigrant and diasporic Portuguese as two types or wholes (Gal and Irvine 2019). Rather than say uns/alguns/ some Portuguese people, he says, “I saw the Portuguese people” (third person definite plural), referring to and lumping together all (nonmigrant) Portuguese (see Acton 2019 for a similar strategy in American English). What follows is the maximally reportable action: a stylized quotation of what nonmigrant types tell one another about emigrants, performed for the benefit of overhearing diasporans, at the expense of nonmigrants.…”
Section: Jonathan Da Silva’s Vlog Postmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…By the same token, Acton (2014, 2019) observes that using the determiner the with a plural NP (e.g., ‘the Americans’) tends to depict that referent of the NP as a monolith separate from the speaker, all the while conveying a social meaning of ‘self‐distancing” from the subject matter that fails to arise with a bare plural alone (e.g., ‘Americans’). Once again, he derives this effect from a semantic difference between the two variants: the ‐plurals, but not bare plurals, pick out well‐defined collections of object‐level individuals as a unit; for this reason, together with the fact that they are more formally complex than bare plurals (see also Section 4.1.1), the‐ plurals foreground the boundary around that collective in a way that bare plurals do not, leading to the observed social effects.…”
Section: How Semantic and Social Meanings Inform One Anothermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Acton (2019) argues that a similar type of markedness is crucial to highlight the monolithizing effect of definite determiners with plural NPs. Because in the case of plural NPs the same content could have been conveyed with a simpler bare plural (e.g., ‘Americans’), the determiner calls the listener's attention to the fact that a more complex construction than the default is being used, contributing to a boost of the social effects engendered by the semantics of the form.…”
Section: How Semantic and Social Meanings Inform One Anothermentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…These are what Silverstein (1976) calls referential and presupposing indexes. When indexicals point beyond the immediate context, they require—and invoke—personal, communal (Clark 2006) and ideological (Acton 2019) common ground. The demonstrative in an utterance like there goes that Donald Trump!…”
Section: The Semiotics Of Variationmentioning
confidence: 99%