Pre-attentive detection of vowel contrasts utilizes both phonetic and auditory memory representations

Winkler, István; Lehtokoski, Anne; Alku, Paavo; Vainio, Martti; Czigler, István; Csépe, Valéria; Aaltonen, Olli; Raimo, Ilkka; Alho, Kimmo; Lang, Heikki; Iivonen, Antti; Näätänen, Risto

doi:10.1016/s0926-6410(98)00039-1

Cited by 183 publications

(140 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…Moreover, Experiment 4 showed that the context effect arises-in terms of timing-rather early, already 130 ms after the onset of the auditory deviance, in the early Mismatch Negativity window. Nevertheless, the Mismatch Negativity results alone do not allows us to argue strongly that the context effect arises partly at an auditory level, because previous studies have shown that both auditory and phonological deviance contribute to the Mismatch Negativity (Näätä-nen, 2001;Näätänen et al, 1997;Phillips et al, 2000;Winkler et al, 1999). Therefore, we cannot exclude the possibility that the Mismatch Negativity is already influenced by phonological inference.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 70%

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How we hear what is hardly there: Mechanisms underlying compensation for /t/-reduction in speech comprehension

Mitterer

Yoneyama

Ernestus

2008

Journal of Memory and Language

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In four experiments, we investigated how listeners compensate for reduced /t/ in Dutch. Mitterer and Ernestus [Mitterer, H., & Ernestus, M. (2006). Listeners recover /t/s that speakers lenite: evidence from /t/-lenition in Dutch. Journal of Phonetics, 34, showed that listeners are biased to perceive a /t/ more easily after /s/ than after /n/, compensating for the tendency of speakers to reduce word-final /t/ after /s/ in spontaneous conversations. We tested the robustness of this phonological context effect in perception with three very different experimental tasks: an identification task, a discrimination task with native listeners and with non-native listeners who do not have any experience with /t/-reduction, and a passive listening task (using electrophysiological dependent measures). The context effect was generally robust against these experimental manipulations, although we also observed some deviations from the overall pattern. Our combined results show that the context effect in compensation for reduced /t/ results from a complex process involving auditory constraints, phonological learning, and lexical constraints.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 70%

“…This is especially noteworthy as the observed MisMatch Negativity was biphasic, and the context effect was present in the early, possibly auditory, phase (around 130 ms after the acoustic change) as well as in the late phase (100 ms later), a phase which has been claimed to reflect phonological processes (cf. Winkler et al, 1999).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

How we hear what is hardly there: Mechanisms underlying compensation for /t/-reduction in speech comprehension

Mitterer

Yoneyama

Ernestus

2008

Journal of Memory and Language

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“…The main result of this study showed that the MMN was enlarged if both the standard and the deviant were vowel prototypes in the native language of the listener. Again, the same physical difference between a standard and a deviant gave rise to different MMNs, depending on the native language of the listener (see also Winkler et al, 1999).…”

Section: The Present Experimentsmentioning

confidence: 96%

Coping with phonological assimilation in speech perception: Evidence for early compensation

Mitterer

Blomert

2003

Perception & Psychophysics

123

112

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The pronunciation of the same word may vary considerably as a consequence of its context. The Dutch word tuin (English, garden) may be pronounced tuim if followed by bank (English, bench), but not if followed by stoel (English, chair). In a series of four experiments, we examined how Dutch listeners cope with this context sensitivity in their native language. A first word identification experiment showed that the perception of a word-final nasal depends on the subsequent context. Viable assimilations, but not unviable assimilations, were often confused perceptually with canonical word forms in a word identification task. Two control experiments ruled out the possibility that this effect was caused by perceptual masking or was influenced by lexical top-down effects. A passive-listening study in which electrophysiological measurements were used showed that only unviable, but not viable, phonological changes elicited a significant mismatch negativity. The results indicate that phonological assimilations are dealt with by an early prelexical mechanism.

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“…However, in adults the P1 and N1 waves do not show systematic amplitude or latency changes as a function of perceived sound features, such as loudness or pitch (Parasuraman et al, 1982;Woods et al, 1984;Näätänen and Picton, 1987). Instead, perception of subtle differences between sounds is indexed by the mismatch negativity potential (MMN, 140 -250 ms, Näätänen and Winkler, 1999;Picton et al, 2000) that has been shown to co-vary with the timing and accuracy of behavioral discrimination of fine acoustic and phonetic contrasts (Lang et al, 1990;Tiitinen et al, 1994;Winkler et al, 1999). However, stimulus feature -ERP response relationships have not been systematically investigated for any of the adult ERP peaks except for the N1.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Event-related potentials reflect spectral differences in speech and non-speech stimuli in children and adults

Čėponiené

Torki

Alku³

et al. 2008

Clinical Neurophysiology

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Objective-Event-related brain potentials (ERP) may provide tools for examining normal and abnormal language development. To clarify functional significance of auditory ERPs, we examined ERP indices of spectral differences in speech and non-speech sounds.Methods-Three Spectral Items (BA, DA, GA) were presented as three Stimulus Types: syllables, non-phonetics, and consonant-vowel transitions. Fourteen 7-10-year-old children and 14 adults were presented with equiprobable Spectral Item sequences blocked by Stimulus Type.Results-Spectral Item effect appeared as P1, P2, N2, and N4 amplitude variations. The P2 was sensitive to all Stimulus Types in both groups. In adults, the P1 was also sensitive to transitions while the N4 was sensitive to syllables. In children, only the 50-ms CVT stimuli elicited N2 and N4 spectral effects. Non-phonetic stimuli elicited larger N1-P2 amplitudes while speech stimuli elicited larger N2-N4 amplitudes.Conclusions-Auditory feature processing is reflected by P1-P2 and N2-N4 peaks and matures earlier than supra-sensory integrative mechanisms, reflected by N1-P2 peaks. Auditory P2 appears to pertain to both processing types.Significance-These results delineate an orderly processing organization whereby direct feature mapping occurs earlier in processing and, in part, serves sound detection whereas relational mapping occurs later in processing and serves sound identification.

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Pre-attentive detection of vowel contrasts utilizes both phonetic and auditory memory representations

Cited by 183 publications

References 30 publications

How we hear what is hardly there: Mechanisms underlying compensation for /t/-reduction in speech comprehension

How we hear what is hardly there: Mechanisms underlying compensation for /t/-reduction in speech comprehension

Coping with phonological assimilation in speech perception: Evidence for early compensation

Event-related potentials reflect spectral differences in speech and non-speech stimuli in children and adults

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