Present in the World Economy: The Coalition of Immokalee Workers (1996–2007)

Drainville, André C.

doi:10.1080/14747730802252495

Cited by 11 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…The Fair Food Program today covers 90% of Florida’s tomato growers, which in turn supply 90% of winter tomatoes to the United States (Greenhouse 2014). Although scholars have identified the Coalition as a promising movement within social justice food activism and transnationalism (Allen 2008; Drainville 2008; Holt Giménez and Shattuck 2011), I find the juxtaposition of its activism with Benjamin’s attention to labor and its ability to stage a real state of exception to be most productive. This juxtaposition foregrounds how a worker grass roots movement with a migrant base that refuses engagement on the terms set by the immigration debate can put forward a radical historical critique of both labor exploitation and the regime of immigration enforcement.…”

Section: A Real State Of Exception: General Strike Refusal and The Ciwmentioning

confidence: 88%

Reconceiving Immigration Politics: Walter Benjamin, Violence, and Labor

Valdez

2019

Am Polit Sci Rev

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This article theorizes the circulation of violence in the realms of immigration and labor. Through Walter Benjamin, I conceptualize the relationship between racial violence and law, and note that although violence can support the authority of law, excessive violence makes law vulnerable to decay. This tension between authority and excess is eased by humanitarianism. I find clues for disrupting this circulation in Benjamin’s twin notions of the real state of exception and the general strike, introduced two decades apart and invested in theorizing how labor and other marginalized groups threaten the stability of law supported by violence. This reconstruction proceeds alongside an examination of the contemporary US regime of immigration enforcement, which combines the excessive violence of detention and deportation with marginal humanitarian adjustments, which ultimately legitimate violence. On the disruptive side, a Benjaminian reading of labor activism by the Coalition of Immokalee Workers offers three dimensions of emancipatory politics: (a) practices of refusal (to engage on the terms of the immigration debate), (b) the establishment of historical constellations (of racial regulation of labor constitutive of law), and (c) divine violence (through exposure of lawful violence in the food production chain).

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Section: A Real State Of Exception: General Strike Refusal and The Ciwmentioning

confidence: 88%

Reconceiving Immigration Politics: Walter Benjamin, Violence, and Labor

Valdez

2019

Am Polit Sci Rev

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“…This has severely weakened workers in terms of the balance of power vis-à-vis capital. However, labour goes into the current crisis of capitalism with a considerable degree of reorganization and recomposition having been achieved and, above all, with a firm settling of account with the old There is No Alternative discourse of the neo-liberal heyday (for very different perspectives on 'global labour' today see Gray, 2008;Drainville, 2008;Novelli & Ferus-Comelo, 2009;and Munck, 2008).…”

Section: Social Transformationmentioning

confidence: 98%

Globalization, Crisis and Social Transformation: A View from the South

Munck

2010

Globalizations

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The dominant narrative around the unfolding capitalist crisis is firmly focused on the dominant economies, and in particular the US. This is understandable given that the proximate causes of the crisis lie in the imperial heartlands and crisis resolution measures taken there will have a global impact. But a 'view from the South' is needed to redress the balance and prevent the decimation of global majority likelihoods being presented as mere collateral damage. The first section below tackles the crisis from a global (globalization) perspective emphasizing its impact in the South and what that it might mean in terms of political prospects. I then go on to develop a hybrid Karl Polanyi/Antonio Gramsci theoretical lens on counter-movements based on their writings responding to the last systemic capitalist crisis in the 1930s. Finally, I turn to the ways in which the international labour movement and the subaltern or post-colonial worlds are contesting the terrain vacated by unregulated market capitalism. As Gramsci would say the old is dying but the new has not yet been born.La narrativa dominante alrededor de la crisis capitalista revelada, está firmemente enfocada a las economías dominantes, y particularmente E.E.U.U. Esto es comprensible, dado que las próximas causas de la crisis yacen en la región central imperial y las medidas de resolución de la crisis que se tomaron allí tendrán un impacto global. Pero se necesita un 'punto de vista desde el sur' para compensar el equilibrio y prevenir la devastación de las posibilidades de las mayorías globales presentadas como simple daño colateral. La primera sección abajo trata la crisis desde una perspectiva global (globalización), enfatizando su impacto en el sur y lo que eso puede significar en términos de prospectos políticos. Luego procedo con el desarrollo de una lente teórica híbrida de Karl Polanyi/Antonio Gramsci sobre movimientos opuestos en base a sus escritos que responden a la última crisis capitalista sistémica en la década de 1930. Finalmente, vuelvo a las maneras en las cuales el movimiento laboral internacional y los mundos subalternos o postcoloniales están disputando el terreno vacío por

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“…A 2004 survey found that the Immokalee farmworker population was quite diverse with people mostly from Oaxaca, Chiapas and Guanajuato, Mexico, as well as Huehuetenago, Guatemala (Steigenga and Williams :105–106). The CIW also includes Haitians and African‐Americans (Drainville :359). The CIW began organizing in 1993 when a group of workers met to find solutions to improve their community and their lives (Coalition of Immokalee Workers n.d.).…”

Section: Crossing Borders: Transnationalism and Identitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Among the most notable companies that agreed to the conditions of the Fair Food Program are Taco Bell, McDonalds, Burger King, and Whole Foods. Some grocers, however, have proved more immune to this kind of pressure (Coalition of Immokalee Workers n.d.; Drainville ; Steigenga and Williams ). The 2004 survey revealed that 60 percent of Immokalee workers had lived elsewhere in the United Stated before arriving in Immokalee, and 32 percent frequently traveled to other states.…”

Section: Crossing Borders: Transnationalism and Identitymentioning

confidence: 99%

4 The Role of Migrations in Creating Identities among Mesoamerica Peoples from Pre‐Hispanic to Modern Times

Xiuhtecutli

2015

Archaeological Papers of the American

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Migration stories abound in pre-Hispanic Mesoamerican history. After the Conquest, indigenous groups continued to migrate as part of Spanish imperial expansive and within the cultural bounds of their own migratory tradition. In spite of state consolidation, people of Mesoamerica have continued moving between borders regardless of how they identify themselves. As these migrant groups have encountered hostility in the U.S. and Mexico, in recent history they have become activists, challenging traditional definitions of what an indigenous community is. A theme in their activism is a migration narrative that echoes those used by their ancestors from pre-Hispanic to present times. [Mesoamerica, migration, trans-border, territoriality, Chicano]

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Present in the World Economy: The Coalition of Immokalee Workers (1996–2007)

Cited by 11 publications

References 34 publications

Reconceiving Immigration Politics: Walter Benjamin, Violence, and Labor

Reconceiving Immigration Politics: Walter Benjamin, Violence, and Labor

Globalization, Crisis and Social Transformation: A View from the South

4 The Role of Migrations in Creating Identities among Mesoamerica Peoples from Pre‐Hispanic to Modern Times

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