Press-Party Parallelism and Polarization of News Media during an Election Campaign

Çarkoğlu, Alı; Baruh, Lemi; Yıldırım, Kerem

doi:10.1177/1940161214528994

Cited by 52 publications

(29 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…In line with Turkey’s “hybrid regime” status (Economist Intelligence Unit, 2016) and ranking 155th in the World Press Freedom Index (Reporters without Borders, 2017), its media system has been labeled a “polarized pluralist media system” in which state intervention and “press-party” parallelism (Çarkoğlu, Baruh, & Yıldırım, 2014; Çarkoğlu & Yavuz, 2010; Kaya & Çakmur, 2010) and/or “press-sociopolitical camp” parallelism (Panayırcı, İşeri, & Şekercioğlu, 2016) are the dominant dynamics. It is the type of media system under strong direct and indirect government influence in which fragmented partisan media outlets dominate, leaving limited common space, let alone a public sphere, for debating contending perspectives on social issues (Hallin & Mancini, 2004).…”

Section: Methodology and Case Selectionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Alternative Media and the Securitization of Climate Change in Turkey

Günay

İşeri

Ersoy

2018

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political

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Studies on securitization dynamics in a growing number of sectors have been conducted, including securitization of climate change. However, a relatively understudied agent of securitization is media. In the proposed analysis, we study Turkey’s media framing of climate change and whether and how it relates to the framings of security in general to acquire in-depth understanding of the role national media plays in securitization of climate change. Along with alternative online media outlet Bianet, mainstream outlets ( Sabah, Sözcü, Hürriyet, Milliyet) are analyzed. This article addresses the following main research question: How do the mainstream and alternative media frame climate change in the Turkish context? In order to answer this question, it adopts content analysis to analyze selected frames on climate change–related news utilized in Turkish media. Data have been collected and coded for three periods: first, the period of September–December 2007, when climate change was high on the global agenda. Second, January 1 to March 25, 2015, which was the period before the Pew survey began. Third, we have collected data for October 1 to November 4, 2015, which is the period just before the United Nations Paris Agreement on Climate Change was signed. We find alternative media’s potential to serve as “alternative public sphere” by voicing the unspoken in public debate on climate change.

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Section: Methodology and Case Selectionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Alternative Media and the Securitization of Climate Change in Turkey

Günay

İşeri

Ersoy

2018

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political

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“…In deeply divided, postconflict societies, ethnopolitical antagonisms are fundamental to almost all aspects of civic life, yet there is limited research into how government–media relations operate in such contexts. Most media-politics studies focus on Western majoritarian parliamentary or presidential systems—that is, any system that has clear “winners” and “losers” after elections—and where institutional factors are considered, the focus is largely on how party systems affect journalism (e.g., Çarkoğlu et al 2014; Hallin and Mancini 2004; Sheafer and Wolfsfeld 2009). This focus, however, neglects important institutional variables, such as mandatory coalition, proportionality, and special cross-community voting arrangements, which pertain in more constitutionally complex democracies and which may have a significant impact on media-politics relations.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political Contest and Oppositional Voices in Postconflict Democracy

Rice

Somerville

2016

The International Journal of Press/Politics

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This article investigates how political institutions affect government–media relationships. Most studies of media-politics focus on majoritarian parliamentary or presidential systems and on how party systems affect journalism. This tends to neglect important issues that pertain in more constitutionally complex democracies, such as the consociational institutions in postconflict societies. Taking the Northern Irish context as a strategic case study, we analyze data from thirty-three semistructured interviews with the actors responsible for communicating political issues in Northern Ireland: political journalists and the two groups of government communicators, civil service Government Information Officers (GIOs) and Ministerial Special Advisers (SpAds). By examining their roles and relationships in this context, we demonstrate the importance of considering the institutional design of the democratic system itself when attempting to develop a more comprehensive and nuanced theory of media-politics. In Northern Ireland, the absence of an official political opposition in the legislature, together with the mandatory nature of the multiparty coalition, means that the media have come to be perceived by many political and media actors as the opposition. This in turn influences the interpersonal interactions between government and media, the way political actors try to “manage” the media, and the media’s approach to reporting government.

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“…With respect to news media, most studies on the supply of polarized news originate from the United States, albeit with some exceptions (Çarkoğlu, Baruh, & Yıldırım, 2014;Hahn, Ryu, & Park, 2015;de Nooy & Kleinnijenhuis, 2013). It is however striking that none of these studies is based on a longitudinal design.…”

Section: Concern 4: Towards Increasing Polarization and Fragmentationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political communication in a high-choice media environment: a challenge for democracy?

Aelst

Strömbäck

Aalberg

et al. 2017

Annals of the International Communication Association

639

347

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During the last decennia media environments and political communication systems have changed fundamentally. These changes have major ramifications for the political information environments and the extent to which they aid people in becoming informed citizens. Against this background, the purpose of this article is to review research on key changes and trends in political information environments and assess their democratic implications. We will focus on advanced postindustrial democracies and six concerns that are all closely linked to the dissemination and acquisition of political knowledge: (1) declining supply of political information, (2) declining quality of news, (3) increasing media concentration and declining diversity of news, (4) increasing fragmentation and polarization, (5) increasing relativism and (6) increasing inequality in political knowledge. ARTICLE HISTORY

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Press-Party Parallelism and Polarization of News Media during an Election Campaign

Cited by 52 publications

References 37 publications

Alternative Media and the Securitization of Climate Change in Turkey

Alternative Media and the Securitization of Climate Change in Turkey

Political Contest and Oppositional Voices in Postconflict Democracy

Political communication in a high-choice media environment: a challenge for democracy?

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