Prison Policy in Ireland

Rogan, Mary

doi:10.4324/9780203828885

Cited by 31 publications

(17 citation statements)

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“…The searches of the HUDOC database generate results by date and relevance. It should be stated that some of the cases are well known as having laid down important statements of principle, and are recognised as such in legal analyses of the subject (Livingstone et al, 2015; Rogan 2014; Van Zyl Smit and Snacken, 2009). Cases which are more recent than those decisions were therefore explored to assess whether they contained any new statements of principle.…”

Section: Methods: a Legal Research Methodologymentioning

confidence: 99%

Human rights approaches to suicide in prison: implications for policy, practice and research

Rogan

2018

Health Justice

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Section: Methods: a Legal Research Methodologymentioning

confidence: 99%

Human rights approaches to suicide in prison: implications for policy, practice and research

Rogan

2018

Health Justice

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“…understanding and sympathy among policy-makers." 133 Rather than trying to engage with, or accommodate the concerns of ordinary prisoners, the government undermined the legitimacy of the Prisoners Union and pounded them into submission.…”

Section: Lonergan Concludedmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Soon after their arrival in Portlaoise Prison, politically aligned prisoners were separated onto different landings according to their paramilitary affiliation and each had its own command structure 55. By 1980, out of an average daily population nationally of approximately 1,200,56 there were 171 prisoners in Portlaoise Prison: 106 belonged to the Provisional IRA, 23 were described as Official IRA and IRSP [politically aligned with the Irish National Liberation Army] and 42 were classified as "non-aligned." 57 Prisoner Protest: II It was not concerns about their status that led ordinary prisoners to protest.…”

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confidence: 99%

“We Are All Convicted Criminals”? Prisoners, Protest and Penal Politics in the Republic of Ireland

Behan¹

2017

Journal of Social History

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This article examines protests by "ordinary" prisoners in the Republic of Ireland, which began in the 1970s. Little historical research exists about organizations that represented "ordinary" prisoners, such as the Prisoners Union, with most academic and popular attention focused on "political" prisoners. Yet "ordinary" prisoners demonstrated they too had the capacity to organize. While protests took similar forms, the state adopted a markedly different approach when dealing with the two groups of prisoners. Despite appalling prison conditions, governments rejected the Prisoners Union claims to represent "ordinary" prisoners and resisted their demands for penal reform. In contrast, after more prolonged protests, and despite assertions that the paramilitary organizations to which "political" prisoners belonged to outside posed an existential threat to the state, the government neutralized their protests by accepting their representation, improving their conditions and effectively recognizing them as a special category of prisoner.

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“…In 1973 a coalition, led by the more conservative Fine Gael party, came to power and Patrick Cooney became the Minister for Justice (1973-7). 21 Cooney adopted a decidedly less progressive stance; telling TDs that 'no institution and no system can rehabilitate anybody [. .…”

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“…While the 1960s had been marked by penal reform in Ireland, the 1970s were a decade of crisis management. 43 The Department of Justice focused on managing new problems, like overcrowding and protests, as they emerged. For the most part this meant moving prisoners into the Curragh military detention barracks, opening new prisons, and expanding older prisons.…”

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‘Embarrassing the State’: The ‘Ordinary’ Prisoner Rights Movement in Ireland, 1972–6

Wall

2019

Journal of Contemporary History

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This article explores the early years of the campaign for ‘ordinary’, not politically-aligned, prisoners’ rights in Ireland. It argues that this campaign has often been overshadowed by the activities of ‘political prisoners’, who only constituted a small minority of prisoners in the period. The article follows the development and changing tactics of the ordinary prisoners’ movement, through the rise and fall of the Prisoners’ Union (PU) (1972–3) and into the early years of the Prisoners’ Rights Organisation (PRO) (1973–6), which would become the longest-lasting and most vocal penal reform organisation in Ireland, until the formation of the Irish Penal Reform Trust in 1994. It argues that the movement constantly adapted its tactics to address emerging issues and opportunities. Ultimately, it contends that by 1976 the PRO was an increasingly legitimate voice in Ireland’s public discourse on prisons. It shows that, although the campaign did not achieve any major penal reforms in this period, it had a significant impact on public debates about prisons, prisoners’ mental health, the failures of the penal system, and prisoners’ entitlement to human rights.

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Prison Policy in Ireland

Cited by 31 publications

References 0 publications

Human rights approaches to suicide in prison: implications for policy, practice and research

Human rights approaches to suicide in prison: implications for policy, practice and research

“We Are All Convicted Criminals”? Prisoners, Protest and Penal Politics in the Republic of Ireland

‘Embarrassing the State’: The ‘Ordinary’ Prisoner Rights Movement in Ireland, 1972–6

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