Process and Protest: Accounting for Individual Protest Participation

Schussman, Alan; Soule, Sarah A.

doi:10.1353/sof.2006.0034

Cited by 439 publications

(444 citation statements)

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“…Social movement scholars have long sought to explain the determinants of social movement mobilization (see, for example, Corrigall-Brown, Snow, Smith, and Quist 2009;Gerhards and Rucht 1992;Gould 1991;Klandermans and Oegema 1987;Kriesi, Saris, and Wille 1993;McCarthy and Wolfson 1996;McCarthy and Zald 1977;Munson 2009;Robnett 1997;Schussman and Soule 2005;Snow, Zurcher, and Ekland-Olson 1980;Somma 2010;Viterna 2006;Zhao 2001). Early studies of mobilization concentrated on constructing explanations for the rise and fall of individual social movements as self-contained entities, such as the civil rights movement, the women's movement, and religious movements (Freeman 1973;Harrison 1959;McAdam 1982).…”

Section: Mobilization In a Multi-movement Environmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Hybrid Activism: Social Movement Mobilization in a Multimovement Environment

Heaney

Rojas

2014

American Journal of Sociology

105

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Antiwar movements mobilize in environments in which many of their potential supporters maintain loyalties to other social movements. Social movement organizations must find ways to attract supporters from these allied movements if peace demonstrations are to achieve critical mass. We argue that organizations with hybrid identities -those whose organizational identities span the boundaries of the antiwar movement and one or more other social movements -are vital to mobilizations for peace. Our analysis draws upon original data from surveys of 5,410 antiwar demonstrators conducted in 2007-2009, combined with publicly available data on 526 organizations that helped to mobilize them. Regression analysis using a two-stage mixed-process estimator shows that individuals with past involvement in non-antiwar movements are more likely to join hybrid organizations than are individuals without involvement in non-antiwar movements. Regression analyses using Tobit and Negative Binomial panel estimators establish that organizations with hybrid identities occupy relatively more central positions in interorganizational co-contact networks within the antiwar movement, and contact significantly more participants in demonstrations, than do their peer organizations. A movementlevel examination of the distribution of hybrid organizations helps to pinpoint some of the strengths and weaknesses in antiwar organizing. For example, numerous hybrid organizations form on the basis of gender and religious identities, but few organizations form to connect with environmental, African-American, and Latino activists. We conclude by proposing a broader research agenda on hybrid organizations, as well as on the role of individual biographies in social movements. Keywords

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Section: Mobilization In a Multi-movement Environmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Hybrid Activism: Social Movement Mobilization in a Multimovement Environment

Heaney

Rojas

2014

American Journal of Sociology

105

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“…En af de bedst underbyggede antagelser inden for studiet af sociale bevaegelser er, at individer, som kender nogen, der allerede deltager i politiske protester og aktivisme, er langt mere tilbøjelige til selv at blive aktive end individer, der ikke gør (Lindekilde & Olesen 2014:144;Schussman & Soule 2005). Omkostningerne ved deltagelse reduceres via eksisterende sociale relationer, samtidig med at gevinsterne stiger, idet man får mulighed for at tilbringe tid med folk, man holder af.…”

Section: Truet Tilvaerelsesforankringunclassified

Voldelig transnational aktivisme: Islamisk Stat, foreign fighters og radikalisering

Lindekilde¹,

Bertelsen²

2015

DKSOC

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Denne artikel undersøger, hvordan radikaliseringen og mobiliseringen af danske foreign fighters foregår, og hvad der motiverer unge danske muslimer til at drage i krig for en voldelig, revolutionær bevægelse som Islamisk Stat. Den offentlige danske debat om foreign fighters tegner et billede af unge, som via bestemte moskémiljøer, studiekredse i Danmark samt internettet radikaliseres til at tro, at væbnet kamp for kalifatet er en religiøs pligt. I kontrast til dette argumenterer artiklen for, at mange foreign fighters i høj grad motiveres af personlige udfordringer, fremmedgørelse og søgen efter mening med tilværelsen snarere end af dybt forankrede og reflekterede politiske og religiøse overbevisninger. I deres søgen efter et tilhørsforhold og mening kommer de unge på forskellig vis i kontakt med radikaliserende miljøer, hvor ensidig deliberation polariserer de unges holdninger. Artiklen præsenterer en interdisciplinær teoretisk model af radikalisering, hvis frugtbarhed diskuteres via analyse af illustrative casestudier af danske foreign fighters, som er rejst ud for at kæmpe for Islamisk Stat. Ved at stille skarpt på mobiliseringen af foreign fighters og tilbyde en forklarende ramme herfor, bidrager artiklen til teori om sociale bevægelser, som alt for ofte alene beskæftiger sig med mobilisering af progressive, pro-demokratiske og ikkevoldelige bevægelser. ENGELSK ABSTRACT: Lasse Lindekilde and Preben Bertelsen: Violent Transnational Activism: Islamic State, Foreign Fighters and Radicalization The purpose of this article is to investigate the process of radicalization and mobilization of Danish foreign fighters, and the motivation of young Danish Muslims to go to war and fight for an ultra-violent, revolutionary movement like Islamic State. The public debate on foreign fighting in Denmark suggests that young Danish Muslims are radicalized through certain mosque milieus, study circles and the internet to believe that violent fighting for the caliphate is a religious obligation. In contrast to this picture, this article argues that many foreign fighters are rather motivated more by a quest for meaning and belonging, individual challenges and a sense of alienation than by deeply rooted political or religious convictions. In their search for belonging and meaning, these young Muslims come in contact with radicalizing milieus, where one-sided deliberation is unfolding and where attitudes polarize, motivation forms and is sustained. The article presents an interdisciplinary theory of radicalization, and discusses it in relation to case studies of Danish foreign fighters who have left for, or were on their way to fight, for Islamic State. By emphasizing the mobilization of foreign fighters and offering an explanatory framework for this empirical phenomenon, the article contributes to the theorization of social movements, which has too often focused solely on mobilization to progressive, pro-democratic and non-violent movements. Keywords: radicalization, foreign fighters, mobilization.

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“…Selective incentives might also be social. Indeed, one common argument in the literature on participation in contentious politics is that social ties are necessary to bring individuals into the fray (Goodwin 1997;Kuran 1991;Lohmann 1993;Opp and Kittell 2010;Pfaff 1996;Schussman and Soule 2005). People have been observed to join the action if they have some prior social connection to other joiners (McAdam 1986;Opp and Kittell 2010), and they seem more likely to participate if they have been asked to do so (Klandermans and Oegema 1987).…”

Section: Ingroup Esteem and Rallymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Observational studies of contentious politics have highlighted a strong association between social ties and participation (e.g., Kuran 1991;Lohmann 1993;Opp and Kittell 2010;Schussman and Soule 2005), but we do not know if this link is causal. Furthermore, such a link could operate through several different mechanisms: the provision of information, the mobilization of grievances, or the promise of social esteem.…”

mentioning

confidence: 90%

Social Esteem and Participation in Contentious Politics: A Field Experiment at an LGBT Pride Rally

McClendon

2013

American J Political Sci

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What motivates individuals to participate in contentious, political forms of collective action? In this article, I consider the possibility that the promise of social esteem from an ingroup can act as a powerful selective incentive for individuals to participate in contentious politics. I conducted a field experiment—the first to my knowledge to take place in the context of a political march, rally, or social‐identity event—to isolate this esteem mechanism from others. Using measures of intent to attend, actual attendance, and reported attendance at a gay and lesbian pride event in New Jersey, I find evidence that the promise of social esteem boosts all three measures of participation. The article offers new theoretical and practical implications for the study of participation in nonvoting forms of collective action.

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Process and Protest: Accounting for Individual Protest Participation

Cited by 439 publications

References 45 publications

Hybrid Activism: Social Movement Mobilization in a Multimovement Environment

Hybrid Activism: Social Movement Mobilization in a Multimovement Environment

Voldelig transnational aktivisme: Islamisk Stat, foreign fighters og radikalisering

Social Esteem and Participation in Contentious Politics: A Field Experiment at an LGBT Pride Rally

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