Research in e n;'ive psychology tends to be paradigm-driven at the best of times, and the seven ies haven't even been the beat of times. The most judicious attempts break the mould can be self-defeating; see Lockhart ( 1978), for example, bewailin the fact that the 'levels of processing' approach, devised by Craik an Lockhart (1972) its an attempt to inject more real-life relevance into memory research, was enthusiastically taken up by the field and developzd into a self-perpetuating paradigm.Psycholinguistics exemplifies the generai predicament. Its history over the past decade chronicles 2s much as anything else the continual discovery of new confounds. In order to facilitate this exercise, psycholinguists now conscientiously publish their materials in full. The more materials are published, the more confounds can be and are discovered. (Publish and perish.) In the following p:ges I will illustrate, by way of a few judicious examples, what this mears for the ordinary designer of psycholinguistic experiments; and of course, since I too wish to make an immortal contribution to the psycholinguistic literature, I may not refrain from pointing to a few confounds myself.Example 1: Wbt happened to fhe ambiguity effect in phoneme-monitoring in the early seventies there was held to be an 'ambiguity effect' in yhonememonitoring; when the word preceding the tearget-bearing word was ambiguous, reaction times to detect the target were slower than when the preceding word was unambiguous (Foss 197Q), and this was true even when prior context made it quite clear which meaning of the ambigcc,us word was intended (Foss and Jenkins 1973;Cutler and Foss 1974). The effect was