2022
DOI: 10.1080/02673037.2022.2042494
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

Producing gentrifiable neighborhoods: race, stigma and struggle in Berlin-Neukölln

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
2
1
1

Citation Types

0
7
0

Year Published

2022
2022
2024
2024

Publication Types

Select...
6

Relationship

0
6

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 8 publications
(7 citation statements)
references
References 66 publications
0
7
0
Order By: Relevance
“…For Wacquant (2008: 238), territorial stigma is closely linked – but cannot be reduced – to race and ethnic origin. As Pinkster et al (2020) and Kadıoğlu (2022) have argued, race is important to understand how territorial stigma is unevenly experienced by different groups of residents. My informants’ narratives indicate that this is also the case for former residents.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…For Wacquant (2008: 238), territorial stigma is closely linked – but cannot be reduced – to race and ethnic origin. As Pinkster et al (2020) and Kadıoğlu (2022) have argued, race is important to understand how territorial stigma is unevenly experienced by different groups of residents. My informants’ narratives indicate that this is also the case for former residents.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Berlin-Neukölln and Duisburg-Marxloh). These neighbourhoods have come to be racialised indicators, ‘representative of the public concern about immigration and immigrants in Germany’ (Eksner, 2013: 337; see also Kadıoğlu, 2022; Soederberg, 2017). While this discourse has been traditionally centred on so-called guest worker quarters in West Germany, it has recently shift towards urban areas that are associated with refugees from the Middle East and immigrants from Eastern Europe (Böckler et al, 2017).…”
Section: Geographical Context and Datamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While some have highlighted the relation between territorial stigmatization and housing markets (Schultz Larsen, 2014, 2018) or sales (Jensen, 2021), these studies have generally not had non-profit housing commodification as their main concern (see, however, Risager, 2022). If this is in part explained by policy development, it is not explained by a lack of theoretical and empirical inspiration from other contexts: a growing body of international literature argues that territorial stigmatization can be activated to provide moral and political justification for state intervention with political-economic effects on urban materiality (August, 2014; Gray and Mooney, 2011; Kadıoğlu, 2022; Kallin, 2017; Kallin and Slater, 2014; Sisson, 2022; Slater, 2021; Slater and Anderson, 2012; Thörn and Holgersson, 2016; Wacquant, 2008; Weber, 2002; for an overview, see Schultz Larsen and Delica, 2019). The 2018 ‘Ghetto Law’ amounted to exactly such an activation of stigma whereby non-profit housing commodification was not only justified but rendered necessary.…”
Section: Denmark's ‘Ghetto’ Politics and Its Researchmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Racialization, too, can provide justification for urban interventions, such as ‘social mix’ redevelopment (Mele, 2019), and is often a key component of contemporary territorial stigmatization in the city (Kadıoğlu, 2022; Wacquant et al, 2014; for the Danish case, see Jensen, 2021). The concepts of race and racialization are, however, infrequently employed in the self-perceived ‘colour-blind and post-racial Danish society’ (Hassani, 2022: 68), especially vis-à-vis Muslims.…”
Section: Denmark's ‘Ghetto’ Politics and Its Researchmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation