Production of Postcolonial India and Pakistan

Svensson, Ted

doi:10.4324/9780203767108

Cited by 26 publications

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“…The independence of India was an act of founding that, like all constitutive moments, absolved the collectivity from implication in violence. 45 Elsewhere, 46 I have suggested that the partition of British India fits into Alain Badiou's reading of the past century as the (failed) attempt ''to think the enigmatic link between destruction and commencement.'' 47 The Partition is, thus, signifying both the disastrous uprooting and the accompanying death of a vast number of people and the triumphant inauguration of two independent states.…”

Section: Call On Responsementioning

confidence: 99%

Stories of Catastrophe, Traces of Trauma

Svensson

2012

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political

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The ''act of terror'' in Mumbai in November 2008 has been widely regarded as ''India's 9-11.'' This article proposes that the proper setting of the ''Mumbai attacks'' is neither provided by what occurred in New York in 2001 nor by accentuating how the event engaged an audience of ''distant others.'' It is, similarly, not made sufficiently comprehensible through representations of Mumbai as the most cosmopolitan space in India and of India as ''shining.'' It, rather, consists in the violent founding of the Indian Republic and the traumatizing and traumatic vision that was inscribed through and into it. Such an alternative rendering of the ''Mumbai attacks'' offers a critical purchase on the notion of ''governing traumatic events.'' It also situates the analysis in the tension between assumptions about an immanence of trauma and depictions of trauma as eruption and (dis)rupture. While the independence of India equals the traumatic in its function as a founding act or moment, the ''Mumbai attacks'' ought to be regarded as confirmation of reified and presently hegemonic forms of political life.

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Section: Call On Responsementioning

confidence: 99%

Stories of Catastrophe, Traces of Trauma

Svensson

2012

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political

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“…People from Pakistan moved to India and vice versa (Stump, 2008). In all this exercise, many chose to stay where they belonged (Svensson, 2013). It includes both, i.e., Muslims in India, and Hindus as well as Christians in Pakistan (Chan, Haines & Lee, 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Socio-Economic Conditions Of Hindu Women In Karachi With Special Reference To Narainpura Karachi

Saeed¹,

Rehman²,

Shahzadi³

2017

PJGS

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The religious minority constitutes an anomaly within the discourse of national identity in Pakistan. They become an anomaly because their existence as citizens of Pakistan highlights the contradictions within the theory that, the State of Pakistan was created for the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent. Hindus are the largest religious minority in Sindh, but facing discrimination at all levels, i.e., economic, social, political, and legal. They are living as a second-class citizen of the country. While, the women who belong to these minority groups are facing double discrimination, firstly as a woman, and then as a Hindu. It is an exploratory research which was conducted in Narainpur (Karachi), which is one of the oldest residential areas of the city, and represents the largest population of Hindu minority, i.e., 60,000 to 70,000. The entire population of Narainpur comprises of poor and lower middle class, as most of the population works as sweepers, housemaids, laborers in KMC, and sellers. Interview schedule was used to collect data from the respective respondents. Result show that health conditions of the women of this locality needs improvement.

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“…The partition witnessed large scale mass migration of 12-14 million people; the killing of over one million people; sexual abuse of an estimated 100,000 women (Kabir, 2010;Khan, 2008;Svensson, 2013), and serves as a powerful illustration of the devastating consequences that the production and contestation of nationhood can have for human life. In line with this, the following paper asks and examines how a theory of nationhood can have such far-reaching, pervasive implications.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This mobilisation project culminated in the partition of the Indian subcontinent, which saw British India divided into two independent and sovereign nation states: the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Republic of India (see Khan, 2008 andSvensson, 2013 for overviews of the independence and partition of the Indian subcontinent and its aftermath). On the other end of the spectrum, Hindu nationalism was being mobilised to defend the Hindu segments of society against the allegedly pro-Western and pro-Muslim policies of the INC, as well as the mobilisation of Muslim nationalism.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The difference was that they believed that a Muslim nation state should be established somewhere in the Middle East (Basu, Datta, Sarkar, & Sen, 1993;Jaffrelot, 1996 Jaffrelot, , 2005aPuniyani, 2003). However, ultimately, as a logical consequence of the fact that Pakistan had been founded as a Muslim nation, the partition came to vindicate the view that India was a Hindu nation for Hindu nationalists.The partition witnessed large scale mass migration of 12-14 million people; the killing of over one million people; sexual abuse of an estimated 100,000 women (Kabir, 2010;Khan, 2008;Svensson, 2013), and serves as a powerful illustration of the devastating consequences that the production and contestation of nationhood can have for human life. In line with this, the following paper asks and examines how a theory of nationhood can have such far-reaching, pervasive implications.…”

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Lessons from the past for the future: The definition and mobilisation of Hindu nationhood by the Hindu nationalist movement of India

Khan

Svensson

Jogdand

et al. 2017

J. Soc. Polit. Psych.

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Guided by a self-categorisation and social-identity framework of identity entrepreneurship (Reicher & Hopkins, 2001), and social representations theory of history (Liu & Hilton, 2005), this paper examines how the Hindu nationalist movement of India defines Hindu nationhood by embedding it in an essentialising historical narrative. The heart of the paper consists of a thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006) of the ideological manifestos of the Hindu nationalist movement in India, "Hindutva: Who is a Hindu?" (1928) and "We, or Our Nationhood Defined" (1939), written by two of its founding leaders -Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, respectively. The texts constitute authoritative attempts to define Hindu nationhood that continue to guide the Hindu nationalist movement today. The derived themes and sub-themes indicate that the definition of Hindu nationhood largely was embedded in a narrative about its historical origins and trajectory, but also its future. More specifically, a 'golden age' was invoked to define the origins of Hindu nationhood, whereas a dark age in its historical trajectory was invoked to identify peoples considered to be enemies of Hindu nationhood, and thereby to legitimise their exclusion. Through its selective account of past events and its efforts to utilise this as a cohesive mobilising factor, the emergence and rise of the Hindu nationalist movement elucidate lessons that further our understanding of the rise of right-wing movements around the world today.Keywords: India, Hindu nationalism, Indian independence, Hindu-Muslim relations, entrepreneurs of identity, social identity theory, self-categorisation theory, social representations theory Journal of Social and Political Psychology, 2017, Vol. 5(2), 477-511, doi:10.5964/jspp.v5i2.736 Received: 2016-11-01. Accepted: 2017-09-08. Published (VoR): 2017 Handling Editor: Johanna Ray Vollhardt, Department of Psychology, Clark University, Worcester, MA, USA *Corresponding author at: School of Psychology, Keele University, Keele, Staffordshire, ST5 5BG, United Kingdom. E-mail: s.s.khan@keele.ac.uk This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.Modernist theories of nationalism (e.g., Anderson, 1983;Gellner, 1983;Hobsbawm, 1990) posit that nationhood is a socially constructed phenomenon inextricably associated with the formation of nation states and pursuit of economic and political ends. According to Anderson, nations are imagined in that the citizens of even the smallest of countries never will meet, know, or even hear of all their fellow citizens. Yet they will be bound and act together on the basis of commonly shared understandings of what it means to belong to a nation. As such, they function as discursive frames that are drawn upon 'to make sense of the world' (see Nesbitt-Larking & Kin...

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Production of Postcolonial India and Pakistan

Cited by 26 publications

References 0 publications

Stories of Catastrophe, Traces of Trauma

Stories of Catastrophe, Traces of Trauma

Socio-Economic Conditions Of Hindu Women In Karachi With Special Reference To Narainpura Karachi

Lessons from the past for the future: The definition and mobilisation of Hindu nationhood by the Hindu nationalist movement of India

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