2015
DOI: 10.1080/07341512.2015.1127459
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Profiling the profiloscope: facialization of race technologies and the rise of biometric nationalism in inter-war British India

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Cited by 12 publications
(8 citation statements)
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“…He produced “[r]egular census surveys and detailed handbooks that essentially decomposed and classified colonial subjects by castes, tribes, occupations and racio-ethnic descriptions along with sample photographs” (Raval 2019, 3). Mahalanobis (1927, 1933b, 1934) delved into the Risley data repeatedly with aims “to work out how distinctive social groups were physically related and he called these measurements ‘caste distances’” (Mukharji 2015, 383).…”
Section: Caste and Statistics: Creating The Mahalanobis Distance In C...mentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…He produced “[r]egular census surveys and detailed handbooks that essentially decomposed and classified colonial subjects by castes, tribes, occupations and racio-ethnic descriptions along with sample photographs” (Raval 2019, 3). Mahalanobis (1927, 1933b, 1934) delved into the Risley data repeatedly with aims “to work out how distinctive social groups were physically related and he called these measurements ‘caste distances’” (Mukharji 2015, 383).…”
Section: Caste and Statistics: Creating The Mahalanobis Distance In C...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We demonstrate that the Distance Function is a statistical method, originating to make anthropometric caste distinctions, with two key features: (i) it is a technical standard; and (ii) it propels a trajectory of racialized techniques of machine learning applications, while hiding its discrimination potentials (Cavazos et al 2019; Scheuerman et al 2020). 3 As Mukharji argues, the racial origins of the Mahalanobis Distance Function that produce various machine decision acts today, “have been completely obliterated” (Mukharji 2015, 383).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Majumdar considered this finding to be proof that anthropometry was a valid science, since it produced results that were in accordance with “the scheme of social precedence” (Ibid, p. 309). Operating within a network of “ideological trends” and “political developments”, such studies contributed to a dynamic, anti‐essentialist 6 and yet racialized nationalism, where the nation “was not a collection necessarily of individuals” but “of other, seemingly older, social groups” (Mukharji, 2015, p. 392). The composition and hierarchy of these social groups, as Majumdar noted, was scientifically proven since anthropometric analysis found that “the correspondence between physical pattern and social stratification is not merely fortuitous” (Majumdar et al., 1958, p. 309) but were based on racial histories.…”
Section: Race and Scientific Knowledge‐production In Indiamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The biometric state markedly departed from the tenets of traditional states in Europe and was inherently racial. Flipping the use of biometric for nation‐building, Mukharji () highlighted the ambiguity of nationalisms that pragmatically co‐opted the very technologies used to racially profile colonized people. Mukharji used the profiloscope, an instrument developed by Indian scientist Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis in the 1930s, to discuss the significance of the face in creating “biometric nationalism” (Mukharji, ) .…”
Section: Embodiment and Corporeal Inscriptionsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Flipping the use of biometric for nation‐building, Mukharji () highlighted the ambiguity of nationalisms that pragmatically co‐opted the very technologies used to racially profile colonized people. Mukharji used the profiloscope, an instrument developed by Indian scientist Prasanta Chandra Mahalanobis in the 1930s, to discuss the significance of the face in creating “biometric nationalism” (Mukharji, ) . The profiloscope was a “race technology” produced essentially for reading measurements and statistics of people's facial profiles to determine racial identities.…”
Section: Embodiment and Corporeal Inscriptionsmentioning
confidence: 99%