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The present experimental studies shed light on effects of implicit prosodic cues on anaphora resolution as well as on how these differ both within and between L1 and L2 speaker groups. In two self-paced reading studies, L1 and L2 participants read poem-like texts that contained anaphoric ambiguity. These stimuli were designed to include a rhyming scheme and meter that were either regular or disrupted. We expected a rhyme cue on a nonsubject pronoun antecedent (in the regularly metered and rhyming version of the texts) to induce competition effects in L1 speakers and cause them to adapt their interpretative preferences and processing strategies; yet, for L2 speakers we hypothesized that effects would either not be observed or that they would be attenuated. Additionally, we examined whether comprehender-dependent factors would modulate effects in each group. We tested both L1 and L2 participants on memory-related tasks. We also measured L1 speakers’ print exposure and L2ers’ proficiency in English. Results revealed L1–L2 dissimilarities in interpretative preferences and reading behavior, as L2 speakers were not equally sensitive to the prosodic cues introduced. The examination of memory-related measures provided evidence of within-group differences and between-group parallels: higher working memory in both groups modulated anaphora resolution, although for L2 speakers there was no additional influence of context.
The present experimental studies shed light on effects of implicit prosodic cues on anaphora resolution as well as on how these differ both within and between L1 and L2 speaker groups. In two self-paced reading studies, L1 and L2 participants read poem-like texts that contained anaphoric ambiguity. These stimuli were designed to include a rhyming scheme and meter that were either regular or disrupted. We expected a rhyme cue on a nonsubject pronoun antecedent (in the regularly metered and rhyming version of the texts) to induce competition effects in L1 speakers and cause them to adapt their interpretative preferences and processing strategies; yet, for L2 speakers we hypothesized that effects would either not be observed or that they would be attenuated. Additionally, we examined whether comprehender-dependent factors would modulate effects in each group. We tested both L1 and L2 participants on memory-related tasks. We also measured L1 speakers’ print exposure and L2ers’ proficiency in English. Results revealed L1–L2 dissimilarities in interpretative preferences and reading behavior, as L2 speakers were not equally sensitive to the prosodic cues introduced. The examination of memory-related measures provided evidence of within-group differences and between-group parallels: higher working memory in both groups modulated anaphora resolution, although for L2 speakers there was no additional influence of context.
The present study provides a systematic review of prosody research in linguistic journals through a bibliometric analysis. Using the bibliographic data from 2001 to 2021 in key linguistic journals that publish prosody-related research, this study adopted co-citation analysis and keyword analysis to investigate the state of the intellectual structure and the emerging trends of research on prosody in linguistics over the past 21 years. Additionally, this study identified the highly cited authors, articles and journals in the field of prosody. The results offer a better understanding of how research in this area has evolved and where the boundaries of prosody research might be pushed in the future.
This study investigates whether Mandarin listeners integrate a prosody-covarying phonological variable, the Tone 3 sandhi (T3S), into auditory sentence disambiguation. The Mandarin T3S process changes the first of two consecutive low tones (T3) into a rising tone. It applies obligatorily within a foot and optionally across feet. When T3S is optional, it is more likely to apply to T3 syllables across smaller prosodic boundaries than larger ones; the smaller the boundary, the sharper the T3S pitch rise. Participants listened to twenty-seven structurally ambiguous sentences containing two consecutive T3 syllables. Posing different T3-intervening prosodic boundaries would result in different interpretations. The first T3 syllable was manipulated into three tone shapes (sharp-rising, shallow-rising, low) and two duration types (long, short). Participants identified from two written interpretations the one consistent with what they heard. The results show higher major-juncture interpretation rates when the first T3 is long than short, when T3S does not apply than when it applies, and when T3S has a shallower than sharper pitch slope. The tone effect further interacts with the possibility of T3 syllable foot formation of each sentence. We propose that listeners have a sophisticated knowledge of prosodic variables and use it efficiently in linguistically meaningful contexts.
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