Protest Voting in Austria, Denmark, and Norway

Bergh, Johannes

doi:10.1111/j.0080-6757.2004.00113.x

Cited by 56 publications

(78 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…It is likely that the politically discontented vote for populist radical right parties because the negative attitude toward politics of these parties is congruent with their own ideas. Bergh (2004) has shown that it is not so much distrust toward the entire political system that predicts voting for the populist radical right, but distrust toward the political elites within that system. This makes sense as the populist message is not directed against the system, but against the corrupted elites.…”

Section: Populismmentioning

confidence: 99%

What unites the voter bases of populist parties? Comparing the electorates of 15 populist parties

Rooduijn

2017

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

324

252

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Various scholars have argued and demonstrated that Western European populist parties have something in common. Although these parties adhere to various ideologies and employ different organizational forms and political styles, they all endorse a similar set of ideas concerning the relationship between the people and the elite. Yet despite our increasing knowledge about these parties, so far we know only very little about populist voters. Do the voter bases of populist parties also have something in common? To answer that question, I focus on the electorates of 15 prototypical populist parties from 11 Western European countries. I show that, in contrast with widely held beliefs, the electorates of populist parties do not always consist of individuals who are more likely to be 'losers of globalization' with Eurosceptic attitudes, low levels of political trust, and preferences for (more) direct democracy. This suggests that 'the' populist voter does not exist.

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Section: Populismmentioning

confidence: 99%

What unites the voter bases of populist parties? Comparing the electorates of 15 populist parties

Rooduijn

2017

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

324

252

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“…Betz (1994) argues that radical right-wing populist voters, which he labels 'protest voters', cast a ballot against 'the powers that be', which are held responsible for what goes wrong in society (see also Bergh, 2004). In other words, citizens support populist parties, because they are discontented with mainstream politicians and political parties.…”

Section: Populism and Political Cynicismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Persuasive Populism? Estimating the Effect of Populist Messages on Political Cynicism

Rooduijn

Brug

Lange

et al. 2017

PaG

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Many European countries have seen a growth of populism in recent years. Extant research shows that populist parties are increasingly successful, and that populist messages appear more frequently in the media. This raises the question to what extent populist messages affect public opinion. The aim of this study is to assess whether populist messages fuel political cynicism by arguing that an arrogant, selfish and complacent political elite does not listen to what ordinary people find important. Moreover, it assesses whether populist messages affect only those already favourably predisposed towards populist parties, or whether it affects citizens across the board. The results of a survey experiment, conducted in the Netherlands, suggests that individuals who are exposed to populist messages are indeed more cynical afterwards than individuals who are exposed to a very similar, but more 'neutrally formulated' message. However, the effects seem to be restricted to supporters of populist parties.

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“…Trust has consistently been identified in comparative studies of protest voting as one of the main drivers of this phenomenon (Bélanger and Nadeau, 2005;Bergh, 2004;Hetherington, 1999). The 2015 election in the UK was the first for a generation where two mainstream parties were in power; it was also a time of declining trust levels in the wake of the 2009 MP expenses scandal, which had further exacerbated already low levels of trust among the UK electorate (Allen and Birch, 2015).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Liberal Democrats had long been a haven for protest votes (Bélanger, 2004;Kang, 2004;Pattie and Johnston, 2001), but with a vote 4 E.g. Bélanger and Aarts, 2006;Bergh, 2004;Betz, 1994;Fennema, 1997;Lubbers, Gijsberts and Scheepers, 2002;Norris, 2005;Oesch, 2008. 5 See, for example, e.g.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…5 See, for example, e.g. Bélanger and Nadeau, 2005;Bellucci, 2014;Bergh, 2004;Bomberg, 1998;Karyotis and Rudig, 2015;O'Neill, 1997;Poguntke, 1993;Ramiro and Gomez, 2016;Schumacher and Rooduijn, 2013. 3 for this party no longer an act of protest, disaffected voters fled elsewhere, principally, in England, at least -to anti-establishment parties of the right and left -the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the Greens. This situation thus provides an opportunity to examine the predictors both of protest voting and also of the protest choice.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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How protest voters choose

Birch

Dennison

2017

Party Politics

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How Protest Voters ChooseMuch ink has been spilt in recent years on political disaffection. Research has grappled with the impact of popular disenchantment with politics on electoral turnout 1 and on unconventional forms of political participation. 2 Political scientists have also pointed to protest voting -voting for an anti-establishment party as a protest against mainstream politics -as a consequence of dissatisfaction with traditional political options, 3 but we know far less about the phenomenon of protest voting than we do about the effects of disaffection on participation. Although there is some existing evidence that disillusionment with mainstream parties can cause people to vote for minor and/or extreme parties in protest, there is a paucity of both theory and empirical evidence on the factors that condition the decision to vote for an anti-establishment party as a form of protest. We also know little about why some voters choose one protest option over the other (a decision we label the 'protest choice'). The party spectra of most parliamentary democracies include minor parties on both the left and the right that are potential recipients of the votes of those whose decision is motivated primarily by disillusionment with a particular party, with certain policies or, more generally, with the existing political establishment or with political institutions. There is also evidence from studies of radical right-wing and anti-immigrant politics that parties in this portion of the political spectrum tend to draw support from those who are 1

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Protest Voting in Austria, Denmark, and Norway

Cited by 56 publications

References 25 publications

What unites the voter bases of populist parties? Comparing the electorates of 15 populist parties

What unites the voter bases of populist parties? Comparing the electorates of 15 populist parties

Persuasive Populism? Estimating the Effect of Populist Messages on Political Cynicism

How protest voters choose

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