The expansion and politicization of the postcommunist state, even among the reform leaders of Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, has confounded early expectations that the state would shrink and grow autonomous once the communist regime collapsed. The variation in these patterns is a function of the distribution of party power in parliament, both over time (turnover) and among parties (fragmentation and effective opposition). Where several strong opposing parties competed for governance, the resulting electoral uncertainty led them to constrain each other through formal regulations and informal practices. In contrast, where one party dominated political competition, lax (or nonexistent) regulations allowed the informal extraction of resources from state firms, the procurement of favorable privatization deals, and the accumulation of positions in public administration. This explanation contrasts with existing accounts, which emphasize either broad communist regime legacies or the functional need for state growth in newly independent states.And the state as such? It should be small but strong, they say. Yet I'm afraid the exact opposite is true: the state is large and weak, clearly because we didn't have the courage to confront its inherited form.-Václav Havel, President of the Czech Republic (Havel, 1998) S tate politicization has come under renewed scrutiny. Recent incidents, such as the party-financing scandals in France or the "Bribesville" investigations in Italy, reinforce the notion of political parties taking over a supposedly neutral state bureaucracy and public administration, using the state 1123 AUTHOR'S NOTE: I would like to thank Tim Colton, Keith Darden, Stephen Hanson, Pauline Jones Luong, Lucan Way, and the two anonymous reviewers for their very helpful comments.