Questioning the Representation of South Africa’s ‘New                 Social Movements’: A Case Study of the Mandela Park Anti-Eviction Campaign

Pointer, Rebecca

doi:10.1177/0021909604051183

Cited by 17 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…Subsequent research was more nuanced and critical (even self-critical). Pointer (2004) questioned the relationships between the leadership (mostly men) and the women who comprised the core of support for mostly nonviolent housing-related protests in parts of Cape Town in the early 2000s. The relationships between activists and ordinary participants was a theme taken up in many of the chapters in Ballard et al's Voices of Protest (2006a), and later by Sinwell (2011).…”

Section: Continuity and Change In Urban Protestmentioning

confidence: 99%

Policy, Politics and Poverty in South Africa

Seekings¹,

Nattrass²

2015

Developmental Pathways to Poverty Reduction

128

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Section: Continuity and Change In Urban Protestmentioning

confidence: 99%

Policy, Politics and Poverty in South Africa

Seekings¹,

Nattrass²

2015

Developmental Pathways to Poverty Reduction

128

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“…It does, however, have the potential to result in more innovative and effective forms of organizing, the formulation of new and different demands on employers, the state and bargaining councils and more successful strategies to pre‐empt and reverse privatization. As a key starting point, the processes of identifying insights from the pilot and integrating them into union organizing strategies can hopefully play an important part in transforming the male‐biased nature of the union itself (Beall 2005; Hassim 2005; Orr 1999; Pointer 2004; Tshoaedi and Hlela 2006), something which will be central to advancing the struggle against privatization.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Producing Privatization: Re‐articulating Race, Gender, Class and Space

Samson

2010

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This article combines insights into the mutually constituting nature of gender, race, class and space with Marxist analyses that interrogate how social relations both produce and are constrained by institutions to explore waste management privatization in Johannesburg. It argues that the crystallization of racialized, gendered inequalities within bargaining institutions underpinned financial motivations for privatization. The form of privatization varied across the city due to the ways in which the class of the area serviced articulated with the racialization and gendering of capital and labour in these spaces. An array of material conditions and ideologies informed these processes in which workers were active, although not necessarily progressive agents. Focusing on how privatization is produced through spatialized and institutionalized social relations illuminates avenues for struggle hidden from view in both aspatial, ideal-type feminist political economy analyses and geographic analyses of privatization inattentive to the mutually constituting nature of gender, race and class.

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“…To date they have largely focussed on fighting cut-offs and evictions, and have made few real attempts to envision and advocate for an alternative approach to governance. Moreover, as has been widely observed, despite the fact that women comprise the majority of members within the anti-privatisation community organisations, they have failed to take up gender issues in any meaningful way (Pointer 2004;Hassim 2004;Beall 2005). Whilst this struggle may be a long and difficult one, by addressing internal gender issues and implementing feminist democracy within their own organisations the movements would begin the important process of developing the capacities required to help mount the struggle for a new form of the developmental state in South Africa.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

2 - Developmental Local Government in Post-Apartheid South Africa? A Feminist Rethinking of the State and Development in the Context of Neo-liberalism

Samson¹

2007

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Neoliberal dictates and structural adjustment policies have denuded African states and attempted to limit their role to enabling the building and functioning of markets. These policies have failed to promote development, exacerbated gender inequities, and deepened Africa's entanglement within exploitative imperialist economic relations. There is, therefore, a pressing need to re-establish a proactive, developmental role for the state in Africa. This article argues that in the current conjuncture such a project must be grounded in a radical reconceptualisation of both development and the state. Previous statist theories of development erred in casting development as a set of outcomes to be delivered by the state to a passive population. Due to their inattentiveness to gender they also reproduced and exacerbated exploitative gender relations. The article argues that in a context where it is difficult to even imagine an alternative to neoliberalism, development should be redefined as building collective capacity to envision, create and struggle for a society and economy free of gender, racial and class exploitation. The state must be reconfigured so that it is both strengthened by and helps to build collective capacity through processes of participatory democracy attentive to addressing and overcoming the mutually constituting structural inequalities of gender, race and class.Amidst the continent-wide retreat of the state from an active role in the development process, the post-apartheid South African policy of 'developmental local government' would seem to be grounded in just such a retheorization of the state and development. The policy establishes that the local government must promote development, redress apartheid inequalities and be participatory * Department of Political Science, York University, Toronto, Canada and research associate at the Centre for Urban and Built Environment Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa.Samson: Developmental Local Government in Post-Apartheid South Africa 27 and gender sensitive. The article argues however that the South African approach is compromised by three fundamental weaknesses at the level of policy formulation. These pertain to the liberal conceptualisation of participation, the reduction of commitments to gender transformation to a focus on the participation of women, and the endorsement of a contracting vision for the local state which eliminates an active role for either the state or the citizenry in the development process. The article concludes by exploring more successful attempts at gender transformative, participatory approaches to governance and development in other parts of the world and reflecting on the challenges to pursuing them in the South African context. RésuméLes impositions néoliberales et les politiques d'ajustement structurels ont dénudé les états africains et ont essayé de limiter leur rôle dans la mise en place de marchés qui leurs profitent. Ces politiques n'ont pas réussi à promouvoir le développement. Ell...

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Questioning the Representation of South Africa’s ‘New Social Movements’: A Case Study of the Mandela Park Anti-Eviction Campaign

Cited by 17 publications

References 2 publications

Policy, Politics and Poverty in South Africa

Policy, Politics and Poverty in South Africa

Producing Privatization: Re‐articulating Race, Gender, Class and Space

2 - Developmental Local Government in Post-Apartheid South Africa? A Feminist Rethinking of the State and Development in the Context of Neo-liberalism

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