2018
DOI: 10.1016/j.amper.2018.11.001
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Questions and epistemic stance: Some examples from Italian conversations

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Cited by 14 publications
(14 citation statements)
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“…As for the uncertain questions category, as described in details in [62], all yes/no questions (polar interrogatives, alternative, tag and declarative questions) are considered uncertain in that they convey a not-knowing-whether epistemic stance of the questioner. They present, explicitly or implicitly, two (or more) possible alternatives that the questioner is uncertain about [56; 6263]. For instance, if the direct question in Table 1 “Is there a relationship between smoking and any other cause of death ?…”
Section: Uncertainty Markersmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As for the uncertain questions category, as described in details in [62], all yes/no questions (polar interrogatives, alternative, tag and declarative questions) are considered uncertain in that they convey a not-knowing-whether epistemic stance of the questioner. They present, explicitly or implicitly, two (or more) possible alternatives that the questioner is uncertain about [56; 6263]. For instance, if the direct question in Table 1 “Is there a relationship between smoking and any other cause of death ?…”
Section: Uncertainty Markersmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It was done in the level of Turn Constructional Unit (TCU). Consideration to the presupposition of the questions, question design, social action and preference organization w as conducted (Bongelli et al, 2018). Then, in each extract, the patterns of occurrences of marked and unmarked questions were identified.…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Other questions function to assess, suggest, reques t, and offer. Bongelli et al (2018) explored the question and epistemic position of questions in Italian. They found that WH questions indicate speakers' position of not knowing something; while polar, tag, and declarative questions show speakers' position of uncertainty.…”
Section: Mana Sih Kosnya?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As reported byBongelli, et al (2018, p. 37), two different positions can be found in the literature, according to which polar interrogatives are open to two different readings. InBolinger's view (1978in Bongelli, et al, 2018, polar interrogatives (e.g. Is it still snowing outside?)…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Is it still snowing outside?) are not neutral questions awaiting a yes or no response, but rather confirmation-seeking questions since the preferred reading (here: it is still snowing) "being lexicalized, is assigned more probability to be true than the negative"(Bongelli, et al, 2018, p. 37) Coleman (1974in Bongelli, et al, 2018,. on the other hand, argues that polar interrogatives are neutral in their design and that they perform the social action of information seeking, which means that both yes and no are equally expected (e.g.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%