Race and Place in the Adaptation of Mariel Exiles

Abstract

The influx of lower class émigrés during the 1980 Mariel Boatlift complicates the “success story” image of previous waves of Cuban exiles to the United States. Examination of Mariel exiles in terms of racial variation in adaptation does not exist; nor is analysis of the geographic distribution and internal migration of Mariel Cubans within the United States represented. Mariel exiles maneuver along distinguishable paths of adaptation as evidenced by patterns of settlement and geographical mobility. I argue that place is a necessary ingredient in illuminating diverse adjustment experiences among immigrants and refugees in the United States. Being a marielita. specifically is different to being a Cuban in Miami. I feel first of all Cuban, not particularly marielita., but I can't deny that I left Cuba in 1980, and that sets me apart from other people that came here at the beginning of the revolution. Being a marielita. is hard. A lot of people didn't understand us, didn't care for us, we were different. We were darker.

Settlement Patterns of African Refugee Communities in Southeast Queensland

“…Ethnic enclaves and communities are consolidated by chain migration and secondary migration (Quintero 2005) and residential dispersion from these is unlikely because of the beneficial proximity to ethnic networks and institutions (Fang & Brown 1999;Skop 2001). The distinguishing factor between ethnic enclaves and ethnic community formation is that ethnic enclaves 'are typically seen as a temporary neighbourhood of convenience containing ethnic resources to be drawn upon until immigrants assimilate into the host society and relocate', while ethnic community formation is seen by some ethnic and cultural groups 'as the desired residential endpoint, typically a neighbourhood with a single group dominant and at the same time relatively prosperous' (Walks & Bourne 2006, p. 276).…”

The declining symbolic significance of the embargo for South Florida's Cuban Americans

“…To diminish the possibility of conflating the effects of cohort with other socio-demographic influences, our analysis includes multiple control variables: age, education, gender, being employed (part-time or full-time), having a total household income of no more than US$20,000 per year, and being black. Following Skop (2001), we would anticipate that blacks are less supportive of the embargo and other aspects of the exile ideology insofar as they are less integrated into the enclave's social network. Education is measured by two categorical variables: having no more than a high school diploma (possibly including some college or a technical or AA degree) and having a 4-year college degree (or a higher degree).…”

Immigrants, their children, and theories of assimilation: Family structure in the United States, 1880–1970

“…Segmented assimilation theory responds to unexpected trends since 1960 in family structure, socioeconomic status, and educational achievement among descendants of certain immigrant groups (Waters, 1990;Gans, 1992;Skop, 2001). Hernandez (2004), for example, notes that 47% of children of Mexican immigrant origin live in non-nuclear settings, versus 18% for their native white counterparts.…”