Race<i>and</i>Gender Matter: Refining Models of Legislative Policy Making in State Legislatures

Orey, Byron D’Andra; Smooth, Wendy G.; Adams, Kimberly S.; Harris-Clark, Kisha

doi:10.1300/j501v28n03_05

Cited by 58 publications

(35 citation statements)

References 40 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Orey et al (2006) find that, contrary to their expectations, bills sponsored by African American women in the Mississippi state house in the late 1980s and 1990s were no less likely to pass than those introduced by others. Fraga et al theorize that Latina state legislators "are uniquely positioned to leverage the intersectionality of their ethnicity and gender" in ways that enable them "to be the most effective long-term advocates on behalf of working-class communities of color" (2008,158).…”

Section: H2 (Intersectional Hypothesis)contrasting

confidence: 78%

Welfare Policymaking and Intersections of Race, Ethnicity, and Gender in U.S. State Legislatures

Reingold

Smith

2011

American J Political Sci

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Welfare policy in the American states has been shaped profoundly by race, ethnicity, and representation. Does gender matter as well? Focusing on state welfare reform in the mid-1990s, we test hypotheses derived from two alternative approaches to incorporating gender into the study of representation and welfare policymaking. An additive approach, which assumes gender and race/ethnicity are distinct and independent, suggests that female state legislators—regardless of race/ethnicity—will mitigate the more restrictive and punitive aspects of welfare reform, much like their African American and Latino counterparts do. In contrast, an intersectional approach, which highlights the overlapping and interdependent nature of gender and race/ethnicity, suggests that legislative women of color will have the strongest countervailing effect on state welfare reform—stronger than that of other women or men of color. Our empirical analyses suggest an intersectional approach yields a more accurate understanding of gender, race/ethnicity, and welfare politics in the states.

show abstract

Section: H2 (Intersectional Hypothesis)contrasting

confidence: 78%

Welfare Policymaking and Intersections of Race, Ethnicity, and Gender in U.S. State Legislatures

Reingold

Smith

2011

American J Political Sci

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The intersecting influences of race and gender have been considered on a number of fronts, including state legislatures (e.g., Bratton, Haynie, and Reingold, ; Orey et al., ). Bratton, Haynie, and Reingold (:87), for example, investigated legislative sponsorship of bills operationalized as supporting “women's interests” and “black interests.” According to their study, “African American women are … significantly more likely than other legislators to sponsor at least one piece of legislation in both categories” (Bratton, Haynie, and Reingold, :87).…”

Section: Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender, Race, and Dissensus on State Supreme Courts*

Szmer

Christensen²,

Kaheny

2014

Social Science Quarterly

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Objectives. The objectives of this study were to integrate multiple streams of research on judicial dissensus to better understand the causes of state court of last resort justices' decisions to dissent. The study particularly focused on the relationship between dissent and gender and race (and their intersection) at the individual and panel level. Methods. We employed probit regression with clustered standard errors of the population of state court of last resort cases from 1995 to 1998. Results. Women and minorities were more likely to dissent in cases involving issues that are particularly salient to those particular groups. We also find evidence of the intersectionality of race and gender: while white women and African-American males were less likely to dissent than white males, African-American women were the most likely to cast dissenting votes. Conclusions. Our results suggest that, in addition to small-group (panel) and institutional characteristics, individual attributes such as race and gender (and their intersection) matter in the decision to dissent.

show abstract

“…Likewise, Junn (2008) and Junn and Masuoka (2008a, b) find that linked fate plays a similarly important role in shaping the political orientations of Asian citizens. Furthermore, students of gender politics show that the decisions of female voters (e.g., Cohen 1999;Simien 2005Simien , 2006 and legislators (see Bratton and Haynie 1999;Bratton et al 2006;Gay and Tate 1998;Orey et al 2006) stem from their belief that the fates of women are inextricably linked.…”

Section: Linked Fate and Disillusionment As Intersecting Pathways To mentioning

confidence: 99%

What About Disillusionment? Exploring the Pathways to Black Nationalism

Block

2010

Polit Behav

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Political scientists devote little attention to the attitudinal consequences of Blacks' disillusionment with racial progress in America. This oversight undermines our understanding of the antecedents of support for the ideology of Black nationalism. I hypothesize that disillusionment and linked fate interact to influence Black nationalism: the stronger one's disillusionment, the greater her adherence to this ideology, and the weaker the impact of her linked fate on her expression of nationalism.

show abstract

RaceandGender Matter: Refining Models of Legislative Policy Making in State Legislatures

Cited by 58 publications

References 40 publications

Welfare Policymaking and Intersections of Race, Ethnicity, and Gender in U.S. State Legislatures

Welfare Policymaking and Intersections of Race, Ethnicity, and Gender in U.S. State Legislatures

Gender, Race, and Dissensus on State Supreme Courts*

What About Disillusionment? Exploring the Pathways to Black Nationalism

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About