Race, nation, classe

Balibar, Étienne; Wallerstein, Immanuel

doi:10.3917/dec.balib.2007.01

Cited by 123 publications

(61 citation statements)

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“…While he rejects the concept of race in any physiological sense, his theory of cultural evolution works through 'the play of substitutions between race, people, culture and nation'. 56 It is a form of what Etienne Balibar calls neo-racism, in which 'culture can also function like a nature, . .…”

Section: Hayekian Neo-racismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…57 Balibar aptly notes that behind this theory lies 'barely reworked variants of the idea that the historical cultures of humanity can be divided into two main groups, the one assumed to be universalistic and progressive, the other supposed irremediably particularistic and primitive'. 58 On the one hand, neo-racism claims that all cultures have their particular, fixed nature; on the other hand, it holds up western culture -presented as open, enterprising, and individualistic -as a universal standard against which others are judged inadequate. 59 Hayekian neoliberalism is troubled by the fear that its desired universal market order may be constrained in its application by particular cultures unable to grasp the virtues of competitive society; a neo-racist idea of culture is the necessary means by which this danger is conceptualised and made sense of.…”

Section: Hayekian Neo-racismmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The racial constitution of neoliberalism

Kundnani¹

2021

Race & Class

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Prevailing scholarship on neoliberalism fails to recognise that it generates its own distinctive forms of racial domination. Influential analysts such as Wolfgang Streeck, David Harvey and Wendy Brown assume or argue that racism exists today because neoliberalism’s defeat of racial legacies is incomplete. This ignores how racism is reconfigured in ways that are specific to the historical moment of neoliberalism and dependent on a distinctive and substantial intellectual and political hinterland. A consideration of Friedrich Hayek’s theory of cultural evolution reveals a contradiction in neoliberal thought between its aspiration to establish a universal market system and its dependence on particularist ideas of western cultural pre-eminence. This ideological contradiction correlates with the fact that globalisation produces masses of surplus populations which are of no market value. A racial idea of culture is the means by which neoliberalism manages and works through its own limitations. Above all, ‘race’ provides a means of coding and managing the material boundaries between different forms of labour under neoliberalism: citizen and migrant, waged and ‘unexploitable’, bearers of entitlements and bare life.

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Section: Hayekian Neo-racismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Hayekian Neo-racismmentioning

confidence: 99%

The racial constitution of neoliberalism

Kundnani¹

2021

Race & Class

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“…As Etienne Balibar aptly puts it, No theoretical discourse on the dignity of all cultures will really compensate for the fact that, for a 'Black' in Britain or a 'Beur' in France, the assimilation demanded of them before they can become 'integrated' into the society in which they already live (and which will always be suspected of being superficial, imperfect or simulated) is presented as progress, as an emancipation, a conceding of rights. 38 Perhaps not surprisingly then, the xenophobia is unevenly distributed in relation to where the other entering Denmark is from. Recently, Denmark's currently largest political party, Venstre, launched a new set of immigration policies they would like to implement.…”

Section: Xenophobia and New Racismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…61 ''Ethnicization, or peoplehood, resolves one of the basic contradictions of historical capitalism-its simultaneous thrust for theoretical equality and practical inequality-and it does so by utilizing the mentalities of the world's working strata.'' 62 When the Danish refrain ''we want equality, but only for us!'' goes along with a wish to open the borders to wealth and close them to foreigners, we see how this combination of theoretical equality and practical inequality is naturalized by way of the imaginary of a people.…”

Section: Danish Bourgeoisie and A Foreign Proletariatmentioning

confidence: 99%

Danish Demarcations

Plessis

2015

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political

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This article examines the population of the Danish welfare state as an affluent middle class that demarcates itself in relation to a foreign proletariat within a global, neoliberal division of labor. Drawing on Slavoj Ž ižek's psychoanalytical conceptualizations of nationalism, it traces relations between Danish nationalism and the xenophobic blaming of foreigners for structural threats to continued Danish affluence and the welfare state. The article then shifts to a discussion of the dialectical relationship between the nation-state and capitalism in securing the Danish middle-class status in a global, neoliberal world order, and suggests that the threat to the Danish welfare lies not in multicultural pressures but in the simultaneous desires to open Danish borders for surplus extraction and to close them for foreigners. This article ends with a discussion of new perspectives on cohabitation and equality beyond state borders.

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“…The surge of racism and xenophobia in Europe has much to do with this. One important factor, as Balibar and Wallerstein (1991) maintain, is that racism can be a 'magic formula' making it possible for companies to minimise costs of production, beginning with the cost of labour, and at the same time to minimise the costs of 'political disorder', through suppressing, or hampering, the struggles of the working class through racial divisions and stratification of the workforce. The result is a compression of the conditions of existence, and of the fundamental rights, of immigrant workers, as well as autochthonous workers.…”

Section: Italy Needs Immigrant Workersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Trade union responses to racism in Italy's shipbuilding and metalworking industries

Basso

2007

Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research

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Since 1973 Italy has become a nation of growing immigration: its economy has come to rely on immigrants as low-cost workers with extremely limited rights. The diffusion of racism, both institutional and 'popular', has much to do with this. Immigrant workers and populations cannot accept this situation as their destiny. They are making egalitarian, anti-racist demands through their self-organisation and increasing unionisation. The response of Italian unions has been contradictory. They have been slow in recognising the very existence of discrimination, racism and xenophobia, and are not doing everything they should and could do to defend immigrant workers and to promote their participation in trade union activities. The cases of Fincantieri, FIAT and Electrolux are emblematic. ❖❖❖ SommaireDepuis 1973, l'Italie est devenue une nation d'immigration croissante : son économie en est arrivée à compter sur des immigrés à très bas salaire et avec des droits extrême-ment limités. L'expansion du racisme, à la fois institutionnel et « populaire », y est pour beaucoup. Les travailleurs et les populations immigrés ne peuvent accepter cette situation comme étant leur destinée. Ils posent des revendications en faveur de l'égalité et contre le racisme à travers leur auto-organisation et leur syndicalisation croissante. La réponse des syndicats italiens a été contradictoire. Ils ont tardé à reconnaître l'existence même de la discrimination, du racisme et de la xénophobie, et ne font pas tout ce qu'ils devraient et pourraient faire pour défendre les travailleurs immigrés et promouvoir leur participation aux activités syndicales. Les cas de Fincantieri, FIAT et Electrolux sont à cet égard emblématiques. Zusammenfassung Seit 1973 hat sich Italien zunehmend zu einem Einwanderungsland entwickelt: Seine Wirtschaft stützt sich heute auf Einwanderer, die als billige Arbeitskräfte eingesetzt werden und äußerst beschränkte Rechte genießen. Die Verbreitung von Rassismus, sowohl in seiner institutionellen Form als auch in der Form weit verbreiteter Einstellungen, spielt dabei eine wichtige Rolle. Eingewanderte Arbeitskräfte und Bevölkerungen können diese Situation nicht als Schicksal hinnehmen. Sie organisieren sich und treten zunehmend Gewerkschaften bei, um ihre Forderungen nach Gleichberechtigung und gegen Rassismus durchzusetzen. Die Reaktion der italienischen Gewerkschaften war widersprüchlich. Sie haben lange gebraucht, um anzuerkennen, dass Diskriminierung, Rassismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit über-haupt existieren, und sie unternehmen nicht alles, was sie unternehmen sollten und könnten, um die Interessen eingewanderter Arbeitnehmer zu verteidigen und ihre Teilnahme an gewerkschaftlichen Aktivitäten zu fördern. Symbolisch hierfür stehen die Fälle Fincantieri, FIAT und Electrolux. ❖❖❖

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Race, nation, classe

Cited by 123 publications

References 0 publications

The racial constitution of neoliberalism

The racial constitution of neoliberalism

Danish Demarcations

Trade union responses to racism in Italy's shipbuilding and metalworking industries

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