Race, Partisanship, and Attitudes Toward Public Policy Commonality and Legislative Districts

Abstract

This paper utilizes original survey data to examine whether individuals believe they share views on public policy with members of their own racial or ethnic group and whether they place an importance on living in legislative districts with people from their own racial or ethnic group. We find strong evidence that Latino and African-American respondents have a sense of shared policy preferences within their own group. Our results also indicate white Republicans are very likely to view themselves as having shared policy preferences within their group. Respondents who have a strong sense of shared policy preferences with their racial group are also the most likely to think it is important to live in legislative districts with others from their own racial or ethnic group. This paper affords a deeper understanding of the extent to which voters express commonality with their racial and ethnic minority group on matters related to public policy.

Se Habla Español: Spanish-Language Appeals and Candidate Evaluations in the United States

“…31 Our work does not mean to imply that Hispanic voting behavior can be explained solely by ethnic appeals, whether through shared ethnicity or language. While Hispanic voters use ethnicity as a cue (Barreto 2010), it does not supersede other potential sources of information such as party label (Casellas, Gillion, and Wallace 2019;Michelson 2005). 32 Furthermore, Hispanic voters rate policy issues as more important than language ability.…”

“…Research shows that shared ethnicity matters: Latino voters are more likely to turnout to vote when there is a co-ethnic on the ballot and prefer co-ethnic candidates over non-co-ethnics (Barreto 2007; 2010; Barreto, Villarreal, and Woods 2005; Manzano and Sanchez 2010; McConnaughy et al 2010; Sanchez 2006b). Scholars posit that attachment to an ethnic identity, the shared experiences it communicates, and the belief that group members share common goals explains the significance of ethnic cues at the ballot box (Casellas, Gillion, and Wallace 2019; Casellas and Wallace 2015). This is supported by a number of studies showing that higher levels of Latino linked fate led to greater support for co-ethnic candidates (McConnaughy et al 2010; Schildkraut 2013; Wallace 2014).…”

“…Spanish-language proficiency may act as such a signal of social connection and commitment for Hispanic voters. Similar to how shared ethnicity fosters a connection between Hispanic candidates and voters (Barreto 2010;Casellas, Gillion, and Wallace 2019;Casellas and Wallace 2015), the ability to speak Spanish communicates the candidate's closeness to the group and understanding of what concerns them. However, whereas shared ethnicitybeing dependent on one's ascribed membership to an ethnic group (see McClain et al 2009)-is an ethnic cue which only pertains to Hispanic candidates, language is a learned characteristic both co-ethnics and non-coethnics can use.…”

Who Really Represents Me? The Case of Afro-Latinx Bureaucratic Representation in New York City Public Schools

“…Political science research suggests that descriptive representation is important for Black and Latinx people and can often translate to substantive representation in the legislative sphere. Black and Latinx constituents' perceived policy commonalities within their racial and ethnic groups drive their preference for legislative representation by members of these groups (Casellas, Gillion, and Wallace 2019). For Black and Latinx people, descriptive representation translates to substantive representation along various measures.…”