Abstract:This paper explores ‘second generation’ refugee experiences of racism in London, drawing on 45 qualitative interviews. The article analyses specific histories of racialisation for three different refugee groups from Vietnam, Sri Lanka and Turkey and the generational shifts in reproducing race. The asylum system is foregrounded as an essential framework in which to analyse experiences of racism. This was most evident for the first generation refugee, however for their children less is known on how these forms o… Show more
“…This often led to tensions in their sense of belonging, as their own feelings of and entitlement to “Britishness” was often compared to a heavily racialised and essentialist definition of what Britishness is. Indeed, this struggle to be accepted as a Brit due to racialised notions of Britishness is something that has also been shown among various other minority groups in the UK (Hirsch, 2019; Shazhadi et al, 2018), and this study is one of the first to demonstrate that Kurds in the UK have similar experiences. When considering Kurdishness, differences in cultural values were key in driving how participants felt.…”
Section: Discussionsupporting
confidence: 69%
“…Even in cases where participants may ascribe to hybrid identities and stake a claim to “Britishness” through citizenship or birth right, as was the case with some of the participants, ultimately their belonging was still very much impacted by the perceptions of the dominant group, and the extent to which they are “othered” (Anthias, 2001). Recent research has shown that second‐generation immigrants report subtle everyday racism in the UK (Hirsch, 2019), and this present study shows that Kurds in this study also felt excluded and “othered”. As we see in the quote below, this had a significant impact on their own feelings of belonging to the British identity as well.But also it's quite sad, because like I'm of colour they feel threatened […] it is quite sad, but racism does exist because at the end of the day even though I was born here, this will never be my home, this will never be my country (Pelin).…”
This qualitative study aims to contribute to our understanding of how second‐generation immigrants negotiate their multiple identities, and construct their feelings of belonging. We focus on second‐generation ethnic Kurds, a stateless ethnic group with a complex political and social history, who have seldom been investigated in a UK context. Drawing on data from interviews with 14 Kurds living in the UK, this paper outlines the tensions in Kurds' lived experiences of Kurdish and British identity; in particular, experiences of feeling “othered” and how this manifests in relation to their identities. We found that Kurds most commonly dealt with some of the tensions they experienced from not belonging or feeling like an “other” by constructing new identities with more permeable boundaries of belonging; in this study, this was achieved through a “place‐based” identity. In sum, this paper offers a novel contribution to discourses of belonging, by demonstrating how the nuances of belonging and its lived complexities manifest in the experiences of UK‐based second‐generation Kurds, and the resultant strategies that they adopt to navigate tensions.
“…This often led to tensions in their sense of belonging, as their own feelings of and entitlement to “Britishness” was often compared to a heavily racialised and essentialist definition of what Britishness is. Indeed, this struggle to be accepted as a Brit due to racialised notions of Britishness is something that has also been shown among various other minority groups in the UK (Hirsch, 2019; Shazhadi et al, 2018), and this study is one of the first to demonstrate that Kurds in the UK have similar experiences. When considering Kurdishness, differences in cultural values were key in driving how participants felt.…”
Section: Discussionsupporting
confidence: 69%
“…Even in cases where participants may ascribe to hybrid identities and stake a claim to “Britishness” through citizenship or birth right, as was the case with some of the participants, ultimately their belonging was still very much impacted by the perceptions of the dominant group, and the extent to which they are “othered” (Anthias, 2001). Recent research has shown that second‐generation immigrants report subtle everyday racism in the UK (Hirsch, 2019), and this present study shows that Kurds in this study also felt excluded and “othered”. As we see in the quote below, this had a significant impact on their own feelings of belonging to the British identity as well.But also it's quite sad, because like I'm of colour they feel threatened […] it is quite sad, but racism does exist because at the end of the day even though I was born here, this will never be my home, this will never be my country (Pelin).…”
This qualitative study aims to contribute to our understanding of how second‐generation immigrants negotiate their multiple identities, and construct their feelings of belonging. We focus on second‐generation ethnic Kurds, a stateless ethnic group with a complex political and social history, who have seldom been investigated in a UK context. Drawing on data from interviews with 14 Kurds living in the UK, this paper outlines the tensions in Kurds' lived experiences of Kurdish and British identity; in particular, experiences of feeling “othered” and how this manifests in relation to their identities. We found that Kurds most commonly dealt with some of the tensions they experienced from not belonging or feeling like an “other” by constructing new identities with more permeable boundaries of belonging; in this study, this was achieved through a “place‐based” identity. In sum, this paper offers a novel contribution to discourses of belonging, by demonstrating how the nuances of belonging and its lived complexities manifest in the experiences of UK‐based second‐generation Kurds, and the resultant strategies that they adopt to navigate tensions.
“…Everyday racism (Essed 1991) encountered by learners operates to undermine European ideals, as Hirsch (2019) found in her study of the adult British-born children of Vietnamese, Sri Lanka Tamil, and Kurdish refugees from Turkey who grew up in London during the 1990s. While some of her interviewees initially claimed they had not experienced racism, it became apparent that this was because they were comparing their own experiences of racist epithets and feelings of discomfort with severe racism experienced by their parents at the hands of the state, in the processes of asylum, and in the labour market.…”
Section: European History Of Racialisation and Racismmentioning
The 21 st century has seen changes in migration patterns in Europe with implications for schooling and civic education: movement from eastern and central European Union member states to western Europe; increased movement between member states for study or work; and growth in the numbers of migrants and refugees seeking asylum in Europe as a result of regional conflicts and global inequalities. This article reviews European standards and policy frameworks on education and migration and considers whether they translate into policy and practice at national and sub-national levels. It identifies tensions between European standard-setting in the field of human rights and democracy, and the responsibilities of national governments in the field of migration and education, specifically education for citizenship. While European rhetoric emphasises democracy and human rights, national education policies stress language acquisition and national values in the integration of newcomers. Less attention is given to educating mainstream populations in human rights and social justice, or in enabling students to recognise and critically examine populist and anti-democratic discourses. National and European education policies that purportedly promote justice may fail to realise inclusive and cohesive citizenship if they acknowledge changing demographics but neglect everyday injustices and European histories of racialisation and racism.
“…Parallels can be drawn in terms of how the Vietnamese have been positioned within British political discourse. Hirsch (2019) describes how 'colonial era stereotypes' were drawn upon to legitimise the Vietnamese refugees, including descriptions of them as 'obedient, servile workers' (Hirsch 2019: 95). As increasing numbers of Vietnamese arrived in Britain, discourses shifted towards viewing them as a threat to social cohesion that needed to be managed through dispersal (Robinson and Anderson 2003).…”
Section: Experiences Of Collective Identity Among the Vietnamese Dias...mentioning
This article explores relationships between language support practices and community development in the context of Vietnamese Refugee Community Organisations (RCOs) in London, which were formed in the 1980s to meet the needs of Vietnamese refugee communities. Drawing on interviews with practitioners working within London--based Vietnamese RCOs, the article examines the multi--faceted role of language support in contributing to refugee adaptation. It draws upon the conceptual framework of social anchoring to analyse how Vietnamese RCOs support refugees' initial adjustment and longer--term adaptation through multiple language support provisions, including interpreting and translation, English as a Second Language (ESOL) and Vietnamese language classes. A key contribution of the article is its analysis of the ways in which language--related anchoring processes have been politicised through shifting state--led approaches to integration, reductions in funding for RCOs and a growing emphasis on English language over support for minority language practices. The findings also demonstrate how social anchoring processes within RCOs have been reconfigured in response to the diverse needs of refugee communities.
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