Racist Aspects of Modern Turkish Nationalism

Xypolia, Ilia

doi:10.1080/19448953.2016.1141580

Cited by 11 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…This ideology has been implemented through the Turkish History Thesis and Sun Language Theory, creating a new Turkish history and language based on the denial of the uniqueness of other civilizations and languages. These language and history theses also claimed that the Turkish race is at the root of all other civilizations (Beşikçi, 1977;Xypolia, 2016;Zeydanlioglu, 2012). These colonizer-colonized relations and the role of the Kurdish political movement in Turkey is exemplified in the work of Zeynep Gambetti.…”

Section: Theoretical Framework: Internal Colonialismmentioning

confidence: 98%

Ji Zimanê Dayîkê Wêdetir: Kurdî Wekî Zimanekî Herêmî û Xwecih

Unal¹

2021

The Journal of Mesopotamian Studies

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The association between language and territory is particularly significant in terms of indigenousness. Therefore, the argument of this paper is to examine this aspect of the Kurdish language through the interpretation of the Kurdish political movement in Turkey based on self-identification, an essential component of indigeneity. Since the 1990s, the Kurdish political movement has been demanding mother-tongue rights with the growing grassroots support. This study examines pro-Kurdish political party programs, statements/press releases, and interviews with deputies of the HDP, current parliamentary party. The article explores acquiring Kurdish as a native language by Kurds and non-Kurds in the region, mainly through mothers, homes, and the community environment. The process of acquiring the Kurdish language varies according to how individuals interact with the local Kurdish community, such as marrying into Kurdish families, systematic settlement, and growing up in the region. Whilst Kurdish is regarded as the mother language of the Kurds by Kurds and non-Kurds members of the Kurdish political movement in Turkey, this article draws further attention to the regional and local aspects of Kurdish, including its natural learning process of non-Kurds within the region.

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Section: Theoretical Framework: Internal Colonialismmentioning

confidence: 98%

Ji Zimanê Dayîkê Wêdetir: Kurdî Wekî Zimanekî Herêmî û Xwecih

Unal¹

2021

The Journal of Mesopotamian Studies

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“…Scholars writing in both English and Turkish argued that territory and political allegiance have mattered far more in defining membership of the Turkish nation than have ethnic or cultural categorizations (Turan 1969;Kili 1983;Ahmad 2003). More recent works have questioned this perspective, however, observing the continuation of Ottoman understandings of the importance of ethnicity (Kirişci 2000;Uzer 2011;Xypolia 2016) and religion (Akturk 2009; White 2013; Grigoriadis 2013) even in a new Turkish state that had sought a radical break from the Ottoman past and imposed new ideas of secularism and civic nationalism. Ultimately, the new Turkish state worked to create a singular sense of national identity, creating a "monolithic nationhood" in which alternative understandings of Turkishness were suppressed in favor of a more restrictive national ideal ).…”

Section: Rhetoric and Reality: Inclusive And Exclusive Conceptions Ofmentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding the Exclusionary Politics of Early Turkish Nationalism: An Ethnic Boundary-Making Approach

Goalwin¹

2017

Preprint

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* Final published version available at: https://doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1315394 * Turkish nationalism has long presented a study in contrasts. The nationalist movement that created the Republic of Turkey sought to define the nation in explicitly civic and inclusive terms, promoting a variety of integrationist reforms. At the same time, however, those same nationalist politicians endorsed other policies that were far more exclusionary, expelling many religious and ethnic minorities from the new nation and imposing harsh restrictions on those who remained. The seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies has been mirrored by much of the scholarship on Turkish nationalism, which has often viewed Turkish nationality through the lens of the “civic/ethnic divide,” with various scholars arguing that the Turkish nation is exclusively civic or ethnic. This article seeks to transcend this dichotomous way of looking at Turkish nationalism. I argue that the policies previously seen as being exclusively civic or ethnic are in fact both examples of boundary-making processes, designed to forge a cohesive nationalist community. Seen through a boundary-making perspective, the seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies in its early years are not paradoxical at all, but represent a multi-dimensional effort to construct a cohesive national community that could replace the defunct Ottoman state.

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“…Scholars writing in both English and Turkish argued that territory and political allegiance have mattered far more in defining membership of the Turkish nation than have ethnic or cultural categorizations (Turan 1969;Kili 1983;Ahmad 2003). More recent works have questioned this perspective, however, observing the continuation of Ottoman understandings of the importance of ethnicity (Kirişci 2000;Uzer 2011;Xypolia 2016) and religion (Akturk 2009;White 2013;Grigoriadis 2013) even in a new Turkish state that had sought a radical break from the Ottoman past and imposed new ideas of secularism and civic nationalism. Ultimately, the new Turkish state worked to create a singular sense of national identity, creating a "monolithic nationhood" in which alternative understandings of Turkishness were suppressed in favor of a more restrictive national ideal .…”

Section: Rhetoric and Reality: Inclusive And Exclusive Conceptions Ofmentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding the exclusionary politics of early Turkish nationalism: an ethnic boundary-making approach

Goalwin

2017

Natl. pap.

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Abstract:Turkish nationalism has long presented a study in contrasts. The nationalist movement that created the Republic of Turkey sought to define the nation in explicitly civic and inclusive terms, promoting a variety of integrationist reforms. At the same time, however, those same nationalist politicians endorsed other policies that were far more exclusionary, expelling many religious and ethnic minorities from the new nation and imposing harsh restrictions on those who remained. The seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies has been mirrored by much of the scholarship on Turkish nationalism, which has often viewed Turkish nationality through the lens of the "civic/ethnic divide," with various scholars arguing that the Turkish nation is exclusively civic or ethnic. This article seeks to transcend this dichotomous way of looking at Turkish nationalism. I argue that the policies previously seen as being exclusively civic or ethnic are in fact both examples of boundary-making processes, designed to forge a cohesive nationalist community. Seen through a boundary-making perspective, the seemingly contradictory nature of Turkish nationalist policies in its early years are not paradoxical at all, but represent a multidimensional effort to construct a cohesive national community that could replace the defunct Ottoman state.

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Racist Aspects of Modern Turkish Nationalism

Cited by 11 publications

References 8 publications

Ji Zimanê Dayîkê Wêdetir: Kurdî Wekî Zimanekî Herêmî û Xwecih

Ji Zimanê Dayîkê Wêdetir: Kurdî Wekî Zimanekî Herêmî û Xwecih

Understanding the Exclusionary Politics of Early Turkish Nationalism: An Ethnic Boundary-Making Approach

Understanding the exclusionary politics of early Turkish nationalism: an ethnic boundary-making approach

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