Raising, inversion and agreement in modern Hebrew

Melnik, Nurit

doi:10.1017/s0022226715000444

Cited by 3 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 22 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…As against the general function of the 3SGM.PRED PM as carrying referential meaning ( §2), in EXT and other special constructions (Halevy 2016;Melnik 2017; this morph does not carry a semantic marking. In other words, this PM is non-referential.…”

Section: 22mentioning

confidence: 97%

“…The bound PM is accordingly coreferential with the subject. In both cases, the pronominal subject is ze, used as a general pronominal marker neutralized as regards gender (and number; Dekel 2014: [144][145]. A clear case where both PMs, a demonstrative pronominal subject and its coreferential bound PM show the same gender is illustrated by ex.…”

Section: ; 2006) Mcnally Commends This Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

The syntax of existential constructions

Izre’el

2022

J. of Speech Sci.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This study, in two parts, endeavors a novel analysis of existential constructions, based on a different theoretical setting of clause structure, where the predicate is taken as a necessary and sufficient constituent of the clause. Leaning on this perception, the analyses of existential constructions developed here tries to overcome the discrepancy between form and (semantic and informational) meaning in Hebrew existential constructions. The main part of the study deals with affirmative existential-presentative constructions, used to introduce referents into the discourse. Most of the constructions have been analyzed as consisting of an existential constituent, viewed as a modal marker, and a pivot, regarded as the core component of the predicate domain. This analysis is shown to be valid for both the existential marker jeʃ and for its suppletive verbal forms, derived from √hjj ‘be’. A distinction is made between verbal forms with non-referential and referential verb-bound person markers, where the latter, found with expected, known or given pivots, function as focus marking devices, coming in complementary distribution with prosodic marking of focus. Thus, presentative-existential sentences are formed as unipartite sentences, consisting of only a predicate domain. The last two sections of Part I deal with constructions where the existential constituent follows the pivot and with constructions where the pivot is definite. Part II deals with other existential constructions, including negative constructions; bipartite existential sentences; existential constituents as sole constituents in a sentence; existential constituents with clitic referential markers; and the use of existential markers as interjections or discourse markers.

show abstract

Section: 22mentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: ; 2006) Mcnally Commends This Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

The syntax of existential constructions

Izre’el

2022

J. of Speech Sci.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Raising constructions are also derived by A-movement, of the subject of the embedded clause moving to the subject position of the main clause (Landau 2011;Danon 2015;Melnik 2017).…”

Section: Raisingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Stages rather than ages in the acquisition of movement structures: Data from sentence repetition and 27696 spontaneous clauses

Friedmann

Reznick

2021

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This study explored the order of acquisition of various types of syntactic-movement and embedding structures in Hebrew, using a sentence-repetition task, in which 60 children aged 2;2-3;10 repeated 80 sentences (with a total of 4800 sentences), and an analysis of the spontaneous speech of 61 children aged 1;6-6;1 (27,696 clauses). The sentence repetition task revealed a set order of acquisition of the various types of syntactic movement: A-movement is acquired first, then A-bar-movement, and finally movement of the verb to C. The analysis of spontaneous speech revealed the same order: A-movement of the object of unaccusative verbs to subject position appears first, together with simple SV sentences; then, wh-questions appear, then relative clauses and topicalization, which appear together with embedding of finite clauses, and lastly, V-to-C movement. Previous studies have shown that Hebrew speakers under age six have difficulty comprehending and producing sentences with A-bar-movement in which a lexically-restricted object crosses over a lexically-restricted subject. And indeed, whereas children produced A-bar structures very early (wh-questions from age 1;6, relative-clauses and topicalization from age 2;6), until age 5;8 these structures never included a lexical DP crossing over another lexical DP. Both tasks indicated that the order of structure acquisition is fixed, creating Guttman scales between structures, but different children acquire the same structure at very different ages. It seems that whereas the syntactic path and the stages of structure acquisition along it are constant between children, each child walks this path in their own pace.

show abstract

“…U tom kontekstu ovdje se u inverziji ide jedan korak dalje, naime, ovdje mjesta u rečenici mijenjaju subjekt i objekt, a inverzija se primjenjuje na engleski prijevod biblijskog teksta iz starozavjetne Knjige postanka [https://www.esv.org/ Genesis+1/]. Napomena: Inverzija subjekta sasvim je uobičajena pojava u jeziku kojim su pisane najstarije biblijske knjige (usp Melnik, 2015. i Shlonsky, 1990) a ovdje je smatramo primjenjivom i šire od onih tekstova koji su od strane 'službene egzegeze' odobreni za tzv.…”

unclassified

A Contribution to Interpretation of Feuerbach’s Suspicious Absence

Kovačić

2023

In medias res (Zagreb. Online)

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Ricoeurov koncept „Gospodara sumnje“ temelji se na propoziciji da su Marx, Nietzsche i Freud iznijeli radikalnu interpretaciju ljudske svijesti, povijesti i kulture zalazeći u skrivene motive i latentna značenja koja često izmiču površnom promatranju. Svaki je od njih i na svoj način, primijenio metodologiju koju Ricoeur naziva „hermeneutika sumnjom“, razotkrivajući temeljne strukture, želje i sukobe koji oblikuju općenito ljudsko, a posebno religijsko iskustvo. Njihove su kritike religije ponudile jednu dublju analizu u konačnici razotkrivajući zamršene odnose između društvene strukture (Marx), dinamike moći (Nietzsche) i ideologije (Freud). U ovom radu postavljamo pitanje: zbog čega, prema Ricoeurovom kanonu najpredaniji od svih paraktikanata hermeneutike sumnjom – Ludwig Feuerbach – ne dijeli ovu cijenjenu titulu s ostalima iz Ricoeurove ‘kuće slavnih’?

show abstract

Raising, inversion and agreement in modern Hebrew

Cited by 3 publications

References 22 publications

The syntax of existential constructions

The syntax of existential constructions

Stages rather than ages in the acquisition of movement structures: Data from sentence repetition and 27696 spontaneous clauses

A Contribution to Interpretation of Feuerbach’s Suspicious Absence

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About