“…Does this mean that Tech City is simply a temporary 'fix' (Harvey, 1989;Jessop, 2012;2016)? We show that elements of this ideal-type hold here, but not all.…”
Section: / Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Further, while large cities may have airspace for multiple narratives, resistance is far more problematic when brands offer competing descriptions of the same physical territory (Jansson and Power, 2010). As such, the implementation of place branding strategies may become entangled in gentrification processes (Montgomery, 2016): typically, developing a branding imaginary involves selecting some 'approved' characteristics while downplaying or erasing others; this can be a struggle between interest groups (McCann, 2002;Johansson, 2012) often resolved in favour of high-value target audiences (Bickford-Smith, 2009).…”
Section: / Affordances and Constraints In Branding Clustersmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…More broadly, expectations for place branding will also depend on expectations for public policy in general. A critical geography view (Harvey, 1989;Jessop, 2012;2016) is that all policy is a temporary, unstable, exclusionary 'fix'branding-led or otherwisethat can only hope to achieve incremental impacts which may be rolled back at any moment. An alternative view, common in the public policy literature, is that policymaking essentially involves a series of compromises, workarounds and second-best choices -what Lindblom's (1959) seminal essay terms 'muddling through'but that the results can have lasting effects.…”
Section: / Affordances and Constraints In Branding Clustersmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…More broadly, we develop a theoretical framework that sites branding tools within a larger set of policies that seek to generate and work with spatial imaginaries (Jessop, 2012), and use this to specify potential affordances and constraints of brands and brand-led approaches. We link this to a critical view of public policies as 'fixes' (Harvey, 1989;Jessop, 2012;2016), with an alternative view of policymaking as 'muddling through' (Lindblom, 1959), and use these ideal-types to help us assess the Tech City case.…”
Section: / Introduction: the Place Of Place Brandingmentioning
We explore place branding as an economic development strategy for technology clusters, using London's 'Tech City' initiative as a case study. We site place branding in a larger family of policies that develop spatial imaginaries, and specify affordances and constraints on place brands and brand-led strategies. Using mixed methods over a long timeframe, we analyse Tech City's emergence and the overlapping, competing narratives that preceded and succeeded it, highlighting day-today challenges and more basic tensions. While a strong brand has developed, we cast doubt on claims that policy has had a catalytic effect, at least in the ways originally intended.
“…Does this mean that Tech City is simply a temporary 'fix' (Harvey, 1989;Jessop, 2012;2016)? We show that elements of this ideal-type hold here, but not all.…”
Section: / Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Further, while large cities may have airspace for multiple narratives, resistance is far more problematic when brands offer competing descriptions of the same physical territory (Jansson and Power, 2010). As such, the implementation of place branding strategies may become entangled in gentrification processes (Montgomery, 2016): typically, developing a branding imaginary involves selecting some 'approved' characteristics while downplaying or erasing others; this can be a struggle between interest groups (McCann, 2002;Johansson, 2012) often resolved in favour of high-value target audiences (Bickford-Smith, 2009).…”
Section: / Affordances and Constraints In Branding Clustersmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…More broadly, expectations for place branding will also depend on expectations for public policy in general. A critical geography view (Harvey, 1989;Jessop, 2012;2016) is that all policy is a temporary, unstable, exclusionary 'fix'branding-led or otherwisethat can only hope to achieve incremental impacts which may be rolled back at any moment. An alternative view, common in the public policy literature, is that policymaking essentially involves a series of compromises, workarounds and second-best choices -what Lindblom's (1959) seminal essay terms 'muddling through'but that the results can have lasting effects.…”
Section: / Affordances and Constraints In Branding Clustersmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…More broadly, we develop a theoretical framework that sites branding tools within a larger set of policies that seek to generate and work with spatial imaginaries (Jessop, 2012), and use this to specify potential affordances and constraints of brands and brand-led approaches. We link this to a critical view of public policies as 'fixes' (Harvey, 1989;Jessop, 2012;2016), with an alternative view of policymaking as 'muddling through' (Lindblom, 1959), and use these ideal-types to help us assess the Tech City case.…”
Section: / Introduction: the Place Of Place Brandingmentioning
We explore place branding as an economic development strategy for technology clusters, using London's 'Tech City' initiative as a case study. We site place branding in a larger family of policies that develop spatial imaginaries, and specify affordances and constraints on place brands and brand-led strategies. Using mixed methods over a long timeframe, we analyse Tech City's emergence and the overlapping, competing narratives that preceded and succeeded it, highlighting day-today challenges and more basic tensions. While a strong brand has developed, we cast doubt on claims that policy has had a catalytic effect, at least in the ways originally intended.
“…In this ‘market city' that is created from such a triage strategy, the role of local planning entities lies in the creation of markets through land uses; the shift in land use allows the power and direction of development to be transferred to private entities taking advantage of newly formed markets ( ibid .). Building from these arguments, Montgomery (: 786) points to the ways that austerity is race and class biased, stating that:DFC weds greening with rightsizing, advocating an austerity regimen of cost‐saving service cuts and green projects (urban farms, carbon forests, storm water retention ponds) in low‐income, high‐vacancy areas with a growth regimen of investments in the public infrastructure of areas with market potential such as gentrifying downtown.She also argues that the programming and branding of privately owned public spaces seeing renewed investment interest in downtown become racialized by simultaneously attracting an affluent user base, and denying the rich history of resistance to racial oppression formerly fought in these surveilled environments.…”
Section: The Growth Machine and Its Alternativesmentioning
Despite Detroit's reputation for social and financial crisis, developers and investors have successfully pursued growth and land‐use intensification in recent years. However, in Molotch's initial conception of the growth machine, environments of extreme decline go under analyzed. While scholars have investigated the role of growth in Detroit, they have narrowly focused on a single document: the Detroit Future City framework. This work looks more holistically at the development networks leveraged to pursue growth through a discourse analysis of a broader set of development documents and interviews with development professionals, uncovering ways the growth machine adapts to this unlikely environment for growth. Rather than proposing an alternative to growth for a shrinking city, growth elites (led by philanthropic foundations) propose development scenarios leveraging triage to channel diminished amounts of development resources. In doing this, Greater Downtown, with its investment potential, is polarized from other areas of the city seen as risky investments. In addition to focusing growth in investment‐friendly areas, growth coalitions pursue incentives and branding campaigns to attract talent and affluence. These dynamics are a divergence from the growth machine model that supports the narrative that growth benefits all residents in favor of a narrative of triage.
Funding and financing challenges remain a persistent barrier to implementing nature‐based solutions that enhance ecosystem services, facilitate adaptation to climate change, and combat environmental stressors in cities. In the absence of adequate public financial resources, private funds are often expected to fill the gap. But market‐driven, nature‐based solutions can contribute to an inequitable distribution of urban ecosystem services by focusing on net benefits provided by nature. To help foster sustainable development and ensure that nature‐based solutions reach diverse and historically marginalized populations and communities, this scoping review explores the ecosystem services provided by nature‐based solutions and the payment mechanisms that produce and maintain them, focusing on literature on the United States. Findings suggest that the net benefits provided by nature‐based solutions and the available payment mechanisms vary based on the solution utilized (e.g., urban trees, parks, community gardens). Further, the distribution of benefits from nature‐based solutions is influenced by local historical, cultural, political, economic, and environmental contexts, the voices included in decision‐making, and the payment mechanisms used. Inspired by social equity principles, we present a framework for ecosystem service provision that is sensitive to market‐driven funding, financing, and partnerships. Practitioners can use this framework to assess whether payment schemes work in tandem with place (the local context) and process (governance and planning approaches) to ameliorate or exacerbate disparities in nature‐based solutions and the benefits they provide to people.
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