2016
DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2016.1170008
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Rebel-to-political and back? Hamas as a security provider in Gaza between rebellion, politics and governance

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Cited by 18 publications
(10 citation statements)
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“…Civil Police Force: In Gaza, the civil police force was first developed after the 2007 takeover of Gaza by Hamas. In 2007, the security forces on PA's payroll were ordered not to report to work, which led to an immediate collapse of the security sector (Berti 2016). The new force was rapidly made up of members of the armed wings of Hamas and the Popular Resistance Committees (PRCs), as well as members of smaller armed factions in Gaza.…”
Section: The Protectors-gazamentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Civil Police Force: In Gaza, the civil police force was first developed after the 2007 takeover of Gaza by Hamas. In 2007, the security forces on PA's payroll were ordered not to report to work, which led to an immediate collapse of the security sector (Berti 2016). The new force was rapidly made up of members of the armed wings of Hamas and the Popular Resistance Committees (PRCs), as well as members of smaller armed factions in Gaza.…”
Section: The Protectors-gazamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…'the tensions inherent within Hamas's quest to be an effective security provider and a "resistance movement" reflect the broader struggle between governance and rebellion and between the competing needs of political accommodation and military struggle faced by non-state armed providers of governance' (Berti 2016(Berti , p. 1070. The PA and international organizations have condemned protection strategies and practices under Hamas.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For more details on this topic, see: Berti, Gutiérrez 2016. 59 Filiu 2014 in southern Israel and restoring deterrence.'…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This distinction opens up for the investigation of questions that are central to understanding businesssociety relations and their governance. These include (a) how state actors, for deep-seated historical, economic, and political reasons, are generally limited if not structurally constrained in terms of setting and enforcing rules, and providing collective goods; nor do they (fully) control the monopoly of the use of force, and (b) how non-state actors, including businesses, NGOs, international organizations, but also violent non-state actors (rebel groups, war lords, criminal networks) can make collectively binding rules and act as providers of collective goods (Berti & Gutiérrez, 2016;Cammett, 2014;Felbab-Brown et al, 2018;Jo, 2015;Magaloni et al, 2020;Reno, 2010;Roy, 2011). In some cases, violent non-state actors even engage in full-scale governance in a given territory ("rebelocracy"), while in other cases they provide and maintain security, but leave broader rulemaking and service provision to others ("aliocracy," see Arjona, 2015Arjona, , 2016.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%