Questions about the foundation and cultural make-up of Britain's first towns have been long debated. The creation of new cities was a crucial element in the economic and cultural assimilation of a new province, having ramifications for the trajectories of later generations as well as the immediate situation following the conquest. A dominant feature of the debate about urban origins in Britain is the interpretation of evidence relating to buildings and urban morphology, whereas the contribution of the evidence from finds has arguably been minimal. My intent here is to review the historical scenario of the foundation of Britain's first towns in light of artefactual evidence. I will focus on the evidence of Claudio-Neronian brooches and imported finewares (and their predecessors), which have already contributed to the debate as chronological indicators but perhaps offer more potential for new insights into cultural connectivity and social practice. 11 Creighton 2006, 130-35. 12 Creighton 2006, 94 and 125; cf. Millett 1994, 433. 13 Perring 2011, 250-51. The basis for Perring's theory is the discovery of an enclosure of c.24.5 ha defined by V-shaped double-ditches, rapidly constructed and dismantled in the late Claudian period, as well as dendrochronological dates for bridge structures on the Cornhill site of no later than A.D. 48, where a rectangular street grid was established before the revolt of A.D. 60/61. 14 Wallace 2013 presents a detailed counter-argument. 15 Aldhouse-Green 2007, 381; cf. Burnham et al. 2001, 71. 16 Goldsworthy and Haynes 1999.Reconsidering Britain's first urban communities 135
Artefactual perspectivesTo address the question of who lived in Britain's first towns, a rather different perspective comes when attention is shifted from structures to artefacts. Admittedly, this is a story that is less easy to tell or visualise, requiring no small amount of work to produce clear narratives from the detailed specialist analyses conducted on different categories of finds. Nevertheless, progress is being made. For example, comparative analysis of Claudio-Neronian material from the colonia at Colchester and the pre-existing Sheepen site revealed new insights into the cultural geography of the landscape around Colchester. 17 Here, a marked difference in assemblages between the two contemporary locations implies entrenched discrepancies in pottery supply and use after the conquest, 18 highlighting the likelihood of two culturally-distinct communities at Colchester. This observation is further reinforced by the integration of faunal and brooch data, with contextually defined 'suites' of material emerging, one relating to the veteran colonists, the other linked to the indigenous population. 19 To complicate matters, a fuller consideration of the finds suggests the spatial segregation of military/colonial and pre-existing communities within Claudio-Neronian Sheepen itself (between compounds 1 and 2, respectively, of R. Niblett's excavations). 20 The implications of this research are twofold. In the first pl...