Reduplication and Verbal Morphology in Palauan

Finer, Daniel L.

doi:10.1515/tlir.1987.6.2.99

Cited by 5 publications

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“…Note that the default vowel [e] does not appear, but the more marked vowel [e:] appears in the Ce:-reduplicant. Finer (1986) observes that the resulting state verb (RSV) marker is realized differently in CVCV -reduplication and Ce:-reduplication. In the unreduplicated form, the RSV marker /-1-/appears just after the first consonant of the root.…”

Section: Syntactic Locality Versus the Feo Calculusmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the following section, I discuss Urbanczyk's (1999) arguments conceming ROOT faithfulness in reduplication and possible asymmetries between affix reduplicants and root reduplicants. In Section 3, I introduce Palauan reduplication and discuss Finer's (1986) observations on the resulting state verb (RSV) form. I show that the RSV forms support the classification that Ce-reduplicants are affixes, and CVCV -reduplicants are roots.…”

Section: Endnotesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the Ce-reduplicated form, it appears after the first consonant of the base. 8RSV CVCV-reduplicatedJorm (Josephs 1972, Finer 1986 RSV unreduplicated form RSV reduplicated form lJ1abek 'ironing'…”

Section: Roou Affix Asymmetriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(9) RSV Ce-reduplicatedJorm (Josephs 1972, Finer 1986 RSV unreduplicated form RSV reduplicated form lJ1emul: e 'cut' D,! ;.lJ1emul : e 'not weil cut' b1e6p 'shaped'…”

Section: Roou Affix Asymmetriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Given that CVCV -reduplicants are roots and Ce-reduplicants are affixes, we can generalize the pattern in (8)-(9); the RSV affix appears after the first consonant of the first root. Finer's (1986) observations on the morphological differences of the two reduplications are then captured as a result of the root/affix asymmetry. I propose the following morphological structures for unreduplicated and reduplicated forms: 3 In the unreduplicated RSV form [k1ea1d), the RSV marker 1-1-1 appears after the first consonant.…”

Section: Roou Affix Asymmetriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Proceedings of AFLA 11, 2004, ZAS Berlin

Law¹

2004

Zaspil

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The papers in this volume were presented at the eleventh meeting of the Austronesian Formal Linguistics Association (AFLA 11), held from April 23-25 at the Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin, Germany. The conference was organized by Hans-Martin Gärtner, Joachim Sabel, and myself, as part of the research project Clause Structure and Adjuncts in Austronesian Languages. We gratefully acknowledge the financial support by the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft). We would like to thank Wayan Arka, Agibail Cohn, Laura Downing, Silke Hamann, S J Hannahs, Ray Harlow, Nikolaus Himmelmann, Yuchua E. Hsiao, Lillian Huang, Ed Keenan, Glyne Piggott, Charles Randriamasimanana, Joszef Szakos, Barbara Stiebels, Jane Tang, Lisa Travis, Noami Tsukido, Sam Wang, Elizabeth Zeitoun, Kie Ross Zuraw, and Marzena Zygis for reviewing the abstracts. We are thankful to Mechthild Bernhard, Jenny Ehrhardt, Fabienne Fritzsche, Theódóra Torfadóttir and Tue Trinh for their help during the conference. I would like to thank Theódóra for providing essential editorial assistance.

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Section: Syntactic Locality Versus the Feo Calculusmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Endnotesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Roou Affix Asymmetriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(9) RSV Ce-reduplicatedJorm (Josephs 1972, Finer 1986 RSV unreduplicated form RSV reduplicated form lJ1emul: e 'cut' D,! ;.lJ1emul : e 'not weil cut' b1e6p 'shaped'…”

Section: Roou Affix Asymmetriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Roou Affix Asymmetriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Proceedings of AFLA 11, 2004, ZAS Berlin

Law¹

2004

Zaspil

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Two is too much…in the phonology!

Zimmermann¹

2021

The Linguistic Review

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A purely phonological account of reduplication based on the affixation of empty prosodic nodes predicts the attested typology of multiple reduplication. Languages that can combine more than one reduplication-triggering morpheme in a word differ in (1) whether all reduplicants surface faithfully, (2) whether they systematically avoid adjacent multiple reduplicants, or (3) whether one of the reduplicants is smaller than expected if another reduplicant is adjacent in multiple reduplication contexts. Morphological accounts of reduplication not only violate the modularity between phonology and morphology, they also fail to predict this attested typology.

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Fixed segmentism in Palauan multiple reduplications

Kawamura¹

2004

Zaspil

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In this paper, I argue that this apparent problem is accounted for by the interaction of constraints. For the fixed segment [ɛ] in Cɛ-reduplication, I argue that [ɛ] is the second least marked vowel in Palauan, which appears when the default vowel [ǝ] cannot appear. I show that the Palauan facts are not only consistent with the proposals of Urbanczyk (1999) and Alderete et. al (1999), but they actually provide support of their claims. In the following section, I discuss Urbanczyk's (1999) arguments concerning ROOT faithfulness in reduplication and possible asymmetries between affix reduplicants and root reduplicants. In Section 3, I introduce Palauan reduplication and discuss Finer's (1986) observations on the resulting state verb (RSV) form. I show that the RSV forms support the classification that Cɛ-reduplicants are affixes, and CVCV -reduplicants are roots. In Section 4, I discuss the shape and vowel quality of the two reduplicants. The CVCV-reduplicant has three variants: CǝCǝ, CǝC and CV. I explain this variation, illustrating why [ǝ] appears in the first two variations. Then, I discuss the shape and vowel quality of the Cɛ-reduplicant, arguing that the fixed segment [ɛ] in Cɛ-reduplication is a special case of TETU. I show that root faithfulness constraints are crucial in determining the shape and vowel quality of the reduplicants. Section 5 is the conclusion.

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Reduplication and Verbal Morphology in Palauan

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

Proceedings of AFLA 11, 2004, ZAS Berlin

Proceedings of AFLA 11, 2004, ZAS Berlin

Two is too much…in the phonology!

Fixed segmentism in Palauan multiple reduplications

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