Rejection-identification among Latino immigrants in the United States

Wiley, Shaun

doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2012.08.018

Cited by 42 publications

(50 citation statements)

References 38 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…In fact, most evidence for this link comes from research with relatively high-status groups (e.g., international students), groups for which boundaries with other groups are relatively permeable (e.g., older adults), or indigenous populations. In contrast, research on the rejection-identification mechanism with forced migrants is practically non-existent, and the limited number of studies with voluntary immigrants found mostly no evidence for the RIM (Armenta & Hunt, 2009;Badea, Jetten, Iyer, & Er-Rafiy, 2011;Bratt, 2015;Jasinskaja-Lahti et al, 2009;Jasinskaja-Lahti, Mähönen, & Ketokivi, 2012;Wiley, 2013;Wiley et al, 2013; but see Bourguignon et al, 2006). For instance, in the case of immigrants, Jasinskaja-Lahti et al (2009) found that ethnic identification was unrelated to both perceived discrimination and stress symptoms.…”

Section: Ethnic Identification As Social Cure?mentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Healthy’ identities? Revisiting rejection‐identification and rejection‐disidentification models among voluntary and forced immigrants

Bobowik

Martinović

Basabe

et al. 2017

Euro J Social Psych

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Rejection‐identification and rejection‐disidentification models propose that low‐status groups identify with their in‐group and disidentify with a high‐status out‐group in response to rejection by the latter. Our research tests these two models simultaneously among multiple groups of foreign‐born people living in two cultural contexts. We examined these effects on representative samples of 2446 refugees in the Netherlands (Study 1) and 1234 voluntary immigrants in Spain (Study 2). We found that both ethnic and host national identification are ‘healthy’ and thus predominantly conducive to greater hedonic and eudaimonic well‐being. Further, perceived discrimination was associated with host national disidentification among refugees in the Netherlands and voluntary immigrants in Spain. However, our findings regarding the rejection‐identification link were less consistent. We discuss the importance of ethnic and host national identification for the well‐being of immigrants.

show abstract

Section: Ethnic Identification As Social Cure?mentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Healthy’ identities? Revisiting rejection‐identification and rejection‐disidentification models among voluntary and forced immigrants

Bobowik

Martinović

Basabe

et al. 2017

Euro J Social Psych

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Many studies have indeed shown that perceived discrimination and rejection by natives results not only in stronger ethnic identification, but also in weaker national identification (Aguilera ; Verkuyten and Yildiz ; Jasinskaja‐Lahti, Liebkind, and Solheim ; Maxwell ; Skrobanek ; Badea et al. ; Wiley ). In addition, adopting national instead of, or in addition to, ethnic identification is only feasible for immigrants if natives acknowledge their claimed in‐group membership (Verkuyten and Reijerse ; Skrobanek ; Verkuyten and Martinovic , 93).…”

Section: Theoretical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

Native Friends and Host Country Identification among Adolescent Immigrants in Germany: The Role of Ethnic Boundaries

Schulz

Leszczensky

2016

International Migration Review

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Many studies find that high shares of native friends are positively related to immigrant youths' identification with the host country. By examining various immigrant groups together, these studies imply that having native friends matters in the same way for the national identification in different immigrant groups. In contrast, we argue that the extent to which having native friends affects immigrants' national identification depends on both immigrant group characteristics and the receiving context, especially on ethnic boundaries and related group differences in perceived discrimination and the compatibility of ethnic and national identities. Analyses based on data from the National Educational Panel Study in Germany that are representative of 15‐year‐old adolescents in secondary schools indeed reveal pronounced group differences: While national identification of ethnic German repatriates as well as of adolescents of former Yugoslavian and Southern European origin is related to the share of native friends, as hypothesized, we do not find this association for immigrants of Turkish and Polish origin. Our finding underlines the importance of theoretically as well as empirically accounting for group differences.

show abstract

“…We assessed dual identification with three items. We adapted one item from Simon and Ruhs ()—“I feel I am both Latino and American”—and two additional items from the cultural distance subscale of the Bicultural Identity Integration Scale version 1 (BIIS‐1; Benet‐Martínez & Haritatos, )—“I feel Latino American” and “I feel part of a combined culture.” Responses to these same three items had acceptable reliability ( α = .81) in a previous study of Latino immigrants in the northeastern United States and loaded on a separate factor from American (dis)identification and ethnic identification (Wiley, ).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 86%

When does dual identity predict protest? The moderating roles of anti‐immigrant policies and opinion‐based group identity

Wiley

Figueroa

Lauricella

2014

Euro J Social Psych

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Dual identities are defined as immigrants' identification with their ethnic ingroup as well as the national community in their country of residence. Dual identities have been argued to increase protest, because they make immigrants feel entitled to advocate for their disadvantaged ethnic group as part of a larger national community. In a study of Latino immigrants to the United States, however, we found that dual identities no longer predict protest when immigrants learn that other members of the national community have passed laws or enacted policies that would exclude immigrants or restrict their rights, through deportation and detention. Further, we found that immigrants who identify with those fighting to change such anti‐immigrant policies support protest regardless of the level of their dual identity and regardless of policy salience. We argue that these results point to the importance of dual identity recognition for research on immigrant protest. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

show abstract

Rejection-identification among Latino immigrants in the United States

Cited by 42 publications

References 38 publications

‘Healthy’ identities? Revisiting rejection‐identification and rejection‐disidentification models among voluntary and forced immigrants

‘Healthy’ identities? Revisiting rejection‐identification and rejection‐disidentification models among voluntary and forced immigrants

Native Friends and Host Country Identification among Adolescent Immigrants in Germany: The Role of Ethnic Boundaries

When does dual identity predict protest? The moderating roles of anti‐immigrant policies and opinion‐based group identity

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About