Assessing the effects of growing older has always been a central task of scholars and researchers in the academic specialties that focus on age-related phenomena. Although effects have rarely been attributed to chronological aging or the mere passage of time after birth, such age-related changes as the accumulation of experience, role changes, and biological maturation and decline have been thought to bring about changes in attitudes, values, behavior, affective states, cognitive ability, and relations with other people. A fairly typical hypothesis about attitudinal change and aging, for instance, is that accommodation and adaptation to existing social arrangements tend to make aging persons more conservative in the sense of being resistant to change (Glenn, 1974). An example of a hypothesis concerning aging and behavior is that declines in energy and risk-taking propensities associated with biological aging tend to diminish participation in conventional crime (Hirschi & Gottfredson, 1983).In the early decades of the 20th century, most conclusions about the effects on humans of growing older were based on comparisons of persons of different ages at one point in time, in other words on cross-sectional data. Some scholars were aware of the hazards of this method of inferring age effects, but much of the academic literature and almost all of the journalistic and popular literature on aging neglected the fact that cross-sectional age differences in a variable may reflect the effects of being born at different times and having different formative experiences rather than or in addition to the effects of growing older. For instance, most current elderly people in the United States reached adulthood or late adolescence before television viewing became common and are likely to differ in many ways from younger people because they were not influenced by television while they were growing up. Any such 465